SOCIO-CULTURAL AND LINGUISTIC DYNAMICS AMONG KOREAN IMMIGRANT YOUTH IN CANADA¹

The community role of churches for Koreans abroad extends well beyond their original religious function (e.g., Yoo, 1999; Shin, 2005; Park & Sarkar, 2007). However, this aspect has not been extensively studied. Consequently, despite the significant involvement of Korean immigrants in ethnic churches, there is limited knowledge about the social, linguistic, and cultural roles these churches play for Korean immigrants, and even less for their children.

Concerning the function of Korean churches overseas, Hurh and Kim (1990) carefully explored the previous research on Korean immigrant churches to find out Korean immigrants’ religious practices in the United States. The findings of their study presented some reasons why Korean immigrants chose Korean churches as their religious institutions. Firstly, Korean immigrant churches played a role as a “reception center” (p. 30) where they provide diverse non-religious services for new immigrants. Secondly, Korean churches have no specific requirements for membership compared to other Korean associations which have specific requirements such as Dongchanghoe (Alumni associations based on school ties) and Hyanguhoe (Associations based on one’s native region in Korea) (Yoo, 1999). Therefore, Korean immigrant churches are open to any Korean immigrant. Thirdly, Korean immigrant churches function as places where Koreans meet other Koreans on a frequent and regular basis. Min (1992) also pointed out that a lot of Koreans decided to become Christians when they immigrants to the United States even though they were not affiliated with any Korean churches in Korea. This phenomenon can be explained by the diverse functions Korean immigrant churches provide in the host society. In addition, Chong (1998) underscores that Korean immigrant churches pass on Korean values along with the preservation of “general aspects of culture (food, language, and customs)” (p. 270) within the immigrant church in the US context. Lastly, the exclusive use of Korean in all the religious services for adult members, while bilingual or English religious services are provided for younger generations.

Regarding the function of Canadian immigrant churches, Ley (2008) pointed out the role of the churches for immigrants “as an urban service hub in which relations of trust and compatibility generate bonding social capital” (p. 2057) within the Canadian context unlike other studies dealing with the function of immigrant churches within the United States context. His study emphasizes the existence of the same ethnicity and common language within the immigrant churches even though the main goal of immigrant churches is to provide religious services along with practical social services (e.g., settlement service for new immigrants and language schools for younger generations).

The 2021 Canadian census indicates that there are 8,510,833 people living in the province of Quebec, where Montreal is located, while there are 36,991,981 people living in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2021). Concerning the population of Koreans, 218,140 Koreans reside in Canada and 10,655 Korean reside in the province of Quebec. Among the population of the greater area of Montreal in Quebec, 5,245 Koreans reside in the city of Montreal. In fact, a majority of the immigrants with Korean ethnic origin decide to settle in the Montreal area, and thus it is a very multi-cultural and multilingual city compared to other areas in the province of Quebec (Bourhis, 2001). The concentration of immigrants whose mother tongues are neither French nor English (i.e., allophones) into the area of Montreal can actually be attributed to the fact that Montreal is the multicultural and multilingual place where immigrants can “readily construct multiple group identities incorporating their own heritage culture and language with the English and the French” (Bourhis, 2001: 135).

As of 2023, there are 14 Korean churches in Montreal. Since the churches provide regular gatherings for Koreans along with various important social roles, the objective of this research is to find out the socio-cultural and linguistic dynamics among young Korean immigrants in the Korean immigrant church in Montreal.

Korean religious culture is quite intricate. The religions of Korea have been shaped by the combination and interaction of traditional Korean beliefs, including Shamanism, rooted in ancient Korean beliefs and native practices; Buddhism, introduced to Korea in 372 A.D. from China; Confucianism, which arrived concurrently with Buddhism from China; and Western religions such as Catholicism and Protestantism, introduced in the 17th and 19th centuries, respectively (Korean Overseas Information Service, 2007). Following the introduction of Protestant Christianity in the 1880s, Korea witnessed political and social instability during the late Choson Dynasty in 1910, the Japanese colonial period (1910- 1945), and the Korean War (1950-1953) (Grayson, 2002). Furthermore, Korea underwent rapid modernization and industrialization. These significant cultural shifts compelled many Koreans to seek new solutions to the uncertainties of their lives through Christianity (Grayson, 2002; Korean Overseas Information Service, 2007). Today, the remarkable growth of the Christian faith in Korean society is evident in its impact on social, cultural, educational, and political aspects (Korean Overseas Information Service, 2007).

The Korean constitution guarantees freedom of religion (Korean Overseas Information Service, 2007). According to the Korea National Statistical Office (2005, as cited in Korean Overseas Information Service, 2007), slightly more than half (53.1%) of Korea's 47 million population identify themselves as religious. According to the survey in the year of 2022 (Kim 2022), Korea’s religious population consists of 51% non-religious, 20% Protestant, 17% Buddhist, and 11% Catholic. The remaining 1% includes adherents of Confucianism, Islam, Shamanism, Won-Buddhism, and Cheondogyo.

Data from Statistics Canada (2007) indicate that among 80% of Koreans in Canada claimed to have religion, 51% of them claimed to be Protestants followed by 25% Catholics, 4% Buddhists, and 20% no religion. In 2021, 58.3%, more than half of Koreans in Canada, reported a Christian religion, while 39.8%, about 4 in 10 Koreans in Canada, reported having no religion (Statistics Canada, 2022). In 2017, there are 482 Korean ethnic churches (i.e., Protestant) in Canada including 4421 Korean ethnic churches in the United States (Seo, 2017), while there are 6051 Korean churches in the world, which shows that a majority of Korean ethnic churches are located in North America.

The Korean language is less likely to have a neutral linguistic choice due to its honorific characteristics. Furthermore, due to the concept of Confucianism in Korean culture, code choices cannot avoid reflecting this norm in interpersonal relations based on the type of social relationship between the interlocutors when speaking Korean (Yoon, 1992, 1996). She suggested that the type of social relationship might affect conversational participants’ code choices (Yoon, 1992). In her case study with four Korean-English bilingual speakers, she also found out that the participants used Korean in order to “maintain social relationship with respect to the social context” (Yoon, 1996, p. 397). Wong Fillmore (1991) also emphasizes the honorific characteristics of the Korean language in Korean culture when speaking Korean. In a similar vein, Chung (2006) also points out that the use of the Korean language in the family with other members shows a “hierarchy of relationship according to sex, age, and status” (p. 304). In addition, In this regard, Korean immigrant younger generations are likely to learn cultural values through the use of the language due to the encoded obligatory linguistic characteristics when using Korean with other Korean members.

Even though the Korean ethnic community in Canada has become diverse, there are still not many studies investigating Korean population and their linguistic, cultural, and ethnic identity maintenance and development (Shin & Kim, 2022). Therefore, the objective of this research is to investigate the socio-cultural and linguistic dynamics among young Korean immigrants in the Korean immigrant church in Montreal, Canada, where two official languages exist along with diverse heritage languages brought by immigrants from all over the world.

For this research, total 19 Korean immigrants who live in Montreal and attend Korean churches (i.e., 15 students & 4 adults). The youth participants have lived in Montreal for 10 years on average. The youth participants were chosen according to the following criteria: they were either Canadian-born or immigrants to Canada; they were aged between 13 and 19 (teenagers); and they were attending secondary schools or colleges. The reason that they were chosen is that the aim of this research is to examine the socio-cultural and linguistic dynamics among young Korean immigrants within the Korean immigrant churches.

The adult participants have lived in Canada for 3 years on average. All the youth and adult members were chosen from two Korean immigrant churches in the Montreal area. The reason that some participants were chosen for in-depth interviews from this church is that an outsider’s perspective could have gained for the study. Since I am not the member of this church, I can gain outsider’s perspectives as a researcher. The reason that 4 adult members were included that this research supplements the findings from the youth since the perspectives of adult members on the role of Korean immigrant churches can also be obtained. All the participants provided bio-data and participated in interviews. Unique codes are used for all the participants in this research.

With regard to ethical considerations, all the participants were assured that their actual names would remain confidential. Those involved in interviews and participant observation were assured that no details would be disclosed that could identify them, and any comments made would not be shared (either verbally or in writing) in a manner that could reveal specific individuals or incidents. The researcher made it clear to all participants that their involvement was entirely voluntary and that they could withdraw from the study at any point.

This study took place in two Korean immigrant churches in the Montreal area over an eight-week period. Participant observation and group discussions were conducted solely at the first church, which served as the researcher’s primary research site. Participants from the second church were only involved in the in-depth interviews.

Recorded interviews were completely transcribed. Field notes taken during the observation period were analyzed as well. Overall, the data of this study were analyzed through a nonmathematical analytical procedure which allowed inductive data analysis based on the meaning of participants’ words and behaviors (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994).

According to the results of the participant observation, the research site (i.e., Korean church) is categorized into five primary groups based on age, educational background, and Canadian residency status. These groups are delineated as follows: First group comprises Korean adult immigrants; Second group consists of young members either born in Canada or immigrated before reaching elementary school age; Third group encompasses teens and young adults who underwent part of their schooling in Korea before immigrating to Canada; Fourth group includes international elementary and secondary students and their parents from Korea; and Fifth group involves Korean college students and adults residing in Montreal for post-secondary education or temporary purposes. Approximately 20% of the church's members are non-immigrant Korean members from Fourth group along with a small contingent from Fifth group. The remaining majority comprises immigrant Korean members, with 40% from First group, 30% from Second group, and 10% from Third group.

According to the findings of the participant observation, only the Korean language was used during the Sunday worship service and no interaction was found between the pastor and the members. Since the Bible reading and Hymn singing were also done only in Korean.

With regard to the young Korean church members’ use of language in the church, most of them used Korean with other members. The findings show that their use of the Korean language within the Korean immigrant church context was strongly influenced by two different social interactions, which are the social composition of the Korean immigrant church and the existence of newly arrived Korean immigrants and Korean international students who study in Canada with a study permit.

The findings of the study reveal that the diverse social composition of the Korean immigrant church promotes the Korean immigrant students’ use of the Korean language as the HL. In other words, the dynamic social structure of the Korean church encourages the students to use the Korean language instead of French or English with other members within the church. On this issue, one student mentions that young members can have a chance to interact with fluent Korean users and are likely to learn Korean and to use it more often with other church members since diverse members co-exist in the Korean church.

Specifically, the young immigrant members exclusively use Korean when conversing with adult members of the church. They indicated that they seldom engage in conversations in English or French with Korean adults within the church community.

Next, the continuous arrival of new Korean immigrants and international students to the Korean church could potentially bolster the heritage language (HL) skills of the student participants. Indeed, the student participants' feedback regarding their interactions with newly arrived Korean international students suggests that the presence of these students significantly influences the development of their HL conversational abilities. According to Statistics Canada, 2022, the total population of international students in Canada is 621,600 in 2021, and the number of Korean international students in Canada is 16,500 in 2022. One student responds that he has ample chances to converse with numerous Korean members at church, and his Korean skills improve as he engages in conversations, particularly with his Korean friends who recently arrived in Montreal from Korea.

Furthermore, the use of the Korean language by student participants with newly arrived Korean members and international students from Korea can also be analyzed in terms of the social distance among them. The findings of the participant observation reveal that young immigrant members, who have known each other for several years in Canada, predominantly communicated in English or French during casual gatherings and fellowship time. Yoon, 1996 pointed out that “the social distance between interlocutors may affect their code choices” (p. 400). She claims that “the more distant the conversational partners are, the more they use Korean during conversation. Conversely, the closer the relationship they have, the more they use English” (pp. 405-406). She highlights that the Korean language does not permit speakers to remain neutral regarding the social context, thus necessitating consideration of the relationship between interlocutors at all times. This aspect of the Korean language renders it more preferable for Korean-English bilinguals to utilize Korean with individuals they aren't closely associated with. This practice is carried out to acknowledge and respect the varying degrees of social distance between them.

The findings of this research align with Yoon's (1996) work and expand upon it in a new direction, as this study incorporates two majority languages alongside the HL. According to the results of the participant observation within the Korean church, most of the young immigrant church members used English or French during informal meetings and fellowship time, while they mostly used Korean with other young non-immigrant members such as international students and new comers from Korea who are not proficient in the two official languages of Canada. The results demonstrate that young Korean immigrant members who share close social bonds due to long-standing relationships, often established since early childhood, primarily use either English or French when interacting with each other. Conversely, these students tend to employ the HL when communicating with new Korean immigrants or international students who have recently arrived in Montreal or are staying temporarily. Consequently, the findings of this study suggest that social proximity and distance may influence the student participants' use and preservation of their HL, particularly in their interactions with new Korean immigrants and international students within the Korean church context.

With regard to the role of the Korean immigrant church within the multilingual Montreal context, adult church members also have the similar opinions to their younger generations. Based on the analysis of the adult members’ responses on the function of the Korean immigrant church for their younger generations, they agree to the idea that Korean churches play a significant role for their younger generations in terms of the maintenance and development of the HL and cultural identity. In addition, one adult member also points out the religious role of the church for their younger generations’ identity maintenance.

With regard to the sociolinguistic requirement to comprehend and employ the honorific features of the Korean language, alongside the preservation of the HL and cultural identity among Korean immigrant students within the Korean church, the results of this study reveal that the student participants use only Korean when conversing with adult members. Therefore, the utilization of the Korean language by student participants in the church should also be analyzed in relation to the honorific aspects of the Korean language. One student explained that his decision to exclusively use Korean with adult members in the church was primarily influenced by the honorific system inherent in the Korean language. He responded that he uses only Korean when conversing with adult members since he knows how to use honorifics in the HL.

Korean does not provide a neutral choice linguistically. This is because Korean emphasizes the relationship hierarchy which, in accordance with Confucian values, is based on age and social status (Yoon, 1996; Chung, 2006). As students are bound by this Confucian principle in their interactions with adult members, they are compelled to employ their HL to adhere to this sociolinguistic norm. The findings of the current study reveal three primary factors influencing the student participants' utilization of honorifics in Korean discourse. The three factors are age, social standing, and degree of social intimacy. The findings from participant observation mirror a consistent trend in the student participants’ use of honorifics during their conversations. Typically, people are expected to employ honorific language in formal contexts when speaking Korean, irrespective of age disparities, social positions, or levels of familiarity. The findings of this current study further indicate that honorifics are prevalent in worship services and formal gatherings within the Korean church. However, during casual exchanges, the students' use of honorifics varies based on the age, social standing, and level of intimacy with the interlocutor they are conversing with. This finding is supported by the results of the participant observation. The results indicate that the young immigrant members used Korean terms to address church members, even when conversing in English or French. Specifically, they used "Nim," an honorific suffix, when referring to adult members of the congregation. Generally, they spoke exclusively in Korean when interacting with adult members, students who have recently immigrated, and Korean students who newly arrived to Canada.To begin with, the students’ obligatory adherence to honorifics when addressing adult members stems from the deep-seated Korean Confucian principles that prioritize a hierarchical structure based on age. Consequently, the findings of this study suggest that the students’ linguistic proficiency in the HL and their understanding of cultural norms may be enriched by their use of honorifics within the Korean church community. Nevertheless, the results also indicate that certain students uphold traditional Korean cultural values that may be somewhat antiquated compared to modern cultural norms in Korea. For example, three student participants defined an adult in accordance with the person’s marital status as well as age. This is probably because Korean people used to be considered and accepted as adults only after they were married (Korean marriage customs, 2001). This way of defining an adult changed a while ago in Korea and currently marital status is not a defining factor for people to be considered adults (Korean marriage customs, 2001). Therefore, this result could be attributed to the possibility that the students have adopted outdated perceptions of Korean culture from longstanding immigrant church members who arrived in Montreal several years ago.

Next, the findings indicate that social status is another significant determinant influencing the student participants' use of honorifics within the Korean church. The results of the participant observation show that all the youth participants greeted adult members with a proper bow and phrase An-Nyung-Hah-Sae-Yo (a formal greeting) when they met before the service. Upon leaving the church, they bowed again and said either An-Nyung- Hee-Ga-Sae-Yo (a formal goodbye when the adults leave first) or An-Nyung-Hee-Gye-Sae- Yo (a formal goodbye when the youth leave before the adults). The social hierarchy, deeply ingrained in Confucian values, continues to manifest in various aspects of Korean society, including the Korean immigrant community in Montreal. Within the hierarchical structure observed in the Korean church in Montreal, lay members occupying roles such as deacons and elders are perceived to hold higher positions than students or lay members without notable roles. The results show that some of the young members use honorifics only with adult members who are married or other church members who hold positions in Korean immigrant churches (e.g., pastors, assistant pastors, deacons, etc.) regardless of their marital status. Particularly, they used Korean terms to address church members who hold positions (e.g., Mok-Sa-Nim: Pastor, Jang-Ro-Nim: Elder, Jib-Sa-Nim: Deacon, and Jeon-Do-Sa-Nim: Assistant pastor) even when they interacted with each other in English or French. In such a context, younger members are expected to use honorifics as a gesture of respect toward members with elevated social status within the church.

Lastly, the findings suggest that the student participants employ honorifics when interacting with new acquaintances, irrespective of age discrepancies, with the exception of very young children. In Korean culture, it is customary for people to use honorific expressions when they lack the level of social intimacy required for casual speech, even if they are of similar age. These results imply that the student participants are keenly attuned to this aspect of social closeness when using honorifics.

This research centered on examining the impact of social relationships and interactions on the preservation of the Korean language as the HL and cultural identity among Korean immigrant students within the Korean church context. In light of this, future research should encompass additional Korean community institutions in Montreal, such as The Korean Community of Greater Montreal and HL schools outside of the church, in collaboration. This collaborative effort is essential to foster proficient trilingualism within the next generation of the Korean ethnic community in the Montreal area.