Article

REFLECTION ON RELATION OF DYNAMICS BETWEEN FRANCOPHONES AND ANGLOPHONES IN QUEBEC

Duck-Yull Suha
Author Information & Copyright

Received: 2024-03-08 Revised: 2024-03-21 ; Accepted: 2024-04-20

Published Online: 2024-08-22

Abstract

This study aims to investigate the factors that influence the behaviors of Francophones and Anglophones in Quebec. Both groups feel threatened within the context of social change, albeit for different reasons. With the success of Francophones in re-establishing an equal status within their society and the evident ethnolinguistic vitality of English despite a decrease in the English-speaking community's population, we are exploring whether these two linguistic groups can coexist without feeling threatened and instead have unwavering trust in the future. This paper also provides a historical context for the observed social changes and proposes a theoretical model in which the sense of threat and social identity play crucial roles in explaining linguistic behavior. Finally, the study suggests potential solutions to reduce tensions between Francophones and Anglophones by alleviating the perceived threat on both sides. These solutions and the theoretical model are based on recent research and prevailing theories in the field of social psychology.

Keywords: Francophone, Anglophone, social identity, social change, bilingualism, ethnolinguistic vitality

본문

1. INTRODUCTION

Over the past sixty years, Quebec society has undergone numerous and rapid social changes. These changes affected all community spheres, ranging from the modernization of the State to the technological revolution. The linguistic question has always taken a central place at the heart of this movement. For example, the introduction of policies for the protection and promotion of the French language changed the face of Quebec by leading to a linguistic reversal from English to French and by modifying “profoundly the relationships 1 of force, class and prestige in Quebec society”. 2 This notwithstanding, at present major changes are being observed: the English language, which was already one of the predominant languages internationally, is experiencing unparalleled influence. 3 The globalization of economic markets, globalization as well as new technologies explain the growing dominance of English.

Given these major changes that have affected and continue to affect Quebec profoundly, it is essential to question the situation of the French language both for society and for the linguistic groups that make it up. All of these changes have a major influence on the dynamics of intergroup relations between Francophones and Anglophones in Quebec. We therefore suggest that it is essential to address not only the question of attachment to the group but also the feeling of threat which is closely related to identity in the dynamics of relations between Francophones and Anglophones. Indeed, intergroup social psychology allows us to demystify the origin, emergence, and perpetuation of intergroup tensions. A better understanding of these factors will allow us, on the one hand, to understand the motivations of Francophones to support and maintain laws that protect the French language and, on the other hand, to better understand the various attitudes and reactions of Anglophones. Examining these questions will also offer us possible solutions to reduce intergroup tensions and alleviate the feeling of threat felt by both groups, without compromising the desire of Francophones to promote the French language. Ideally, these solutions could ensure that the different linguistic groups cooperate for a stronger Quebec.

The objective of this work is to explore the mechanisms that lead to the various behaviors of Francophones and Anglophones. First, we present the historical framework in which the various social changes were observed. Surprisingly, both target groups feel threatened in this context of change, although for different reasons. Then, we present a theoretical model, where the feeling of threat and social identity take an important place in the explanation of linguistic behavior. This theoretical model describes a chain of reactions that comes from the numerous and rapid social changes of recent years and which extends to the behavior of the two language groups. This model mainly postulates that recent social changes in Quebec represent a threat to individuals, who perceive, among other things, that the situation of their group is affected. This feeling of threat in turn affects their evaluation of their group. Low collective esteem will cause members of both linguistic groups to adopt adaptation strategies to regain or maintain a positive evaluation of their group. The model sets out different strategies favored by Anglophones and Francophones. The former would rather adopt individual strategies, while the latter would adopt collective strategies. Finally, the last part of this research offers possible solutions to alleviate tensions between Francophones and Anglophones by reducing the feeling of threat on both sides.

2. CONTEXT OF SOCIAL CHANGES AND REACTIONS

Before the 1960s, Anglophones had significantly more power than Francophones. Discrimination in the job market was evident, with only 6.7% of executives being French- speaking in 1951. 4 The birth rate of Francophones also experienced a significant decline, while hundreds of new arrivals chose English schools. As industrialization advanced, the population became anglicized. The dominance of the economy by Anglophones, along with demographic factors, directly impacted the quality of the French language in Quebec. This put it under threat, emphasizing the great need to protect it.

Before the 1960s, Anglophones had significantly more power than Francophones. Discrimination in the job market was evident, with only 6.7% of executives being French- speaking in 1951. 4 The birth rate of Francophones also experienced a significant decline, while hundreds of new arrivals chose English schools. As industrialization advanced, the population became anglicized. The dominance of the economy by Anglophones, along with demographic factors, directly impacted the quality of the French language in Quebec. This put it under threat, emphasizing the great need to protect it.

The period following the Quiet Revolution was marked by the affirmation of Quebec identity and by the awareness, on the part of Francophones, of the importance of the linguistic question. The series of laws introduced to protect the French language (for example, “Law 22”) and the advent of the Charter of the French Language illustrate the improvements made to the situation of the French language. The latter is now the common working language, immigrants are attending French schools in greater numbers, and signage in languages other than French is limited.

In the midst of today's technological revolution and globalization, the rise of English as an indispensable tool for personal and collective success raises important questions. Have the efforts of governments and Francophones to improve their situation compared to Anglophones truly allayed their concerns? With Francophones still in the minority in Canadian and North American spaces, is the threat of marginalization diminishing? Moreover, the global ascendancy of English further underscores these concerns. Even in Montreal, a noticeable decline in the use of French from 1991 to 1996 serves as a stark reminder of these challenges. 5 Even though the diagnosis for the French language and Francophones in Quebec is positive, the threat is still present.

English-speaking Quebecers perceived the implementation of French language laws as a direct assault on their collective identity or a jolt that profoundly disturbed their political awareness. As Quebec was no longer a bilingual province, they felt betrayed. The symbolic 6 order of their lives has now changed: they have gone from being a dominant group to being a minority. Following the coming to power of the Parti Québécois in 1976 and the dissatisfaction of English-speaking Quebecers with the political conditions that followed, an exodus to other provinces or the United States occurred. For example, between the 1976 and 1981 censuses, the number of Anglophones in Quebec decreased by more than 94,000. This is the first time in history that a decrease in the number of Anglophones has been observed. in Quebec from one census to the next.

On the other hand, the majority of Quebec anglophones who stayed in Quebec learned French, which significantly increased their bilingualism. However, young English-speaking Quebecers trying to enter the job market in Quebec feel discriminated against, whether rightly or wrongly, even if they have the necessary bilingualism. For instance, despite equal access to employment programs, the proportion of Anglophones entering the Quebec public service is lower than the percentage of Anglophones in the population. 7 Furthermore, Anglophones, unlike Francophones, do not fear losing their language, but rather the decline or loss of their institutions. French should be the primary working language for Francophones, Anglophones, and allophones in Quebec. This is supported by two interesting findings. First, people's opinions about language are closely tied to their language of work: Only 7% of allophones who primarily use English at work completely agree that French should be the language of work, whereas 68% of allophones who mainly communicate in French completely agree with this statement. Secondly, the opinions of allophones who predominantly work in French are almost identical to those of Francophones, with 68% completely agreeing with the statement. Similarly, allophones who primarily work in English share similar opinions to Anglophones. In summary, allophones who mainly work in French have opinions similar to Francophones, while those who primarily work in English express opinions comparable to Anglophones.

The situation of social changes only fuels the feeling of threat by creating other fears or uncertainties. A feeling of loss would be felt by both Anglophones and Francophones, who would express deep insecurity regarding the future of their linguistic group. 8 The rise of globalization and new information technologies has posed a threat to both Anglophones and Francophones, albeit for different reasons. It's crucial to comprehend how these groups perceive and address this threat in order to find solutions that don't hinder Quebec's goals. In the following section, we will present a theoretical model that explains the responses of Anglophones and Francophones to the rapid changes happening around them.

3. THEORETICAL MODEL

Language serves as the fundamental system of symbols essential for both communication and survival. 9 At a psychosocial level, its primary role is to express identity, which is influenced by the presence of an external group. 10 According to this perspective, language is a factor in maintaining the distinction between the groups that make up society. For example, the linguistic behavior of Anglophones who communicate in English in their predominantly French-speaking workplace would be motivated by the need to assert their identity to distinguish themselves psychologically and favorably from their French-speaking colleagues.

This recognized function of language is directly inspired by social identity theory, one of the most influential theories on intergroup relations in the last 45 years. 11 Social identity is defined as the part of an individual's self-concept derived from their knowledge of belonging to a social group or group and the emotional and evaluative meaning attached to this membership. According to this definition, the evaluative part of social identity (or collective esteem) refers to the positive or negative evaluation of group membership. It is therefore the feeling of pride linked to belonging to a group. For example, an Anglophone who is proud to belong to his group would have strong collective esteem compared to someone who does not have this feeling.

As outlined by social identity theory, individuals naturally assess their group's standing through comparisons. If these comparisons lead to unfavorable results and cause unhappiness, individuals may experience a sense of threat. This feeling of discontent, known as "relative deprivation," emerges from unfavorable group comparisons. 12 These can be done by evaluating the situation of the group in relation to other groups (social comparisons) or in relation to the past or envisaged situation (past and future temporal comparisons). Temporal comparisons are, according to Albert, 13 particularly relevant in a context of social transformations.

According to social identity theory and relative deprivation theory, individuals mainly compare their group according to certain predominant characteristics, namely group status, power, economic factors, or resources. This is consistent with another psychosocial function of language, which is to serve as an individual and collective resource. On an individual level, knowledge of an additional language (or bilingualism) offers several advantages, such as the number of favorable employment opportunities. Collectively, language can be seen as an economic bridge between countries. The latter can become a potential source of conflict, especially when there is the presence of a minority group and a majority group. The majority language is considered prestigious, superior, and elegant. It is used more and is, therefore, the path to economic success. Less space is given to the so-called minority language, which is limited to interpersonal relations and associated with the lower class of society. This concept is similar to that of ethnolinguistic vitality, according to which members of groups with high linguistic vitality will speak a popular language that is widely respected and has good representation in public institutions. 14

The state of ethnolinguistic vitality in Quebec is incredibly compelling and warrants specific attention. It is part of a paradox that heightens the perceived threat felt by both English and French speakers. On one hand, the French language demonstrates robust ethnolinguistic vitality within Quebec, in stark contrast to the English language. French is the official language of Quebec and is predominantly spoken in workplaces and public establishments. As a result, English has diminished in prominence within Quebec. For instance, the introduction of “Bill 101” had social implications that devalued English unilingualism and amplified the importance of French-speaking bilingualism. Bilingualism is now a requirement for Anglophones seeking to work in the Quebec public service. This current scenario contrasts sharply with the one prevalent sixty years ago, where even bilingual Francophones struggled to secure fair wages.

On the other hand, the French language, despite the proactive legislation that defends it, is threatened by the power of the English language. In the past, the English language was mainly used in Canada and the United States, but now it is spoken and written all over the world, such as in Europe or Asia. English is becoming universal and its influence is felt in several areas, such as politics and international trade. In short, inside Quebec, French is the language that has high ethnolinguistic vitality, while outside Quebec it is English that experiences stronger vitality.

On the other hand, the French language, despite the proactive legislation that defends it, is threatened by the power of the English language. In the past, the English language was mainly used in Canada and the United States, but now it is spoken and written all over the world, such as in Europe or Asia. English is becoming universal and its influence is felt in several areas, such as politics and international trade. In short, inside Quebec, French is the language that has high ethnolinguistic vitality, while outside Quebec it is English that experiences stronger vitality.

Legislation that has existed for a long time has been very successful in promoting the initiatives of Francophones to protect their language. The French language has become more prestigious and omnipresent. The face of Quebec is now French-speaking, as much on a symbolic level as in public reality and in the workplace. Young Francophones, unlike their parents, grew up in an environment where the threat against the French language is less and less obvious and where they can succeed even while being French speaking. Considering this aspect, it may be tempting to conclude that the threat against the language has evaporated at the same time as the improvement in the situation of Francophones over the years. It may also be tempting to believe that, as a result, young Francophones do not feel threatened.

Though they acknowledge the importance of protecting the French language and improving the status of Francophones, they feel that they have also suffered losses. With the decline in economic power for Anglophones, they may perceive workplace discrimination due to policies tied to the enforcement of the Charter of the French Language, leading to a sense of limited opportunities for advancement. Furthermore, the English-speaking community is shrinking, and the status of Anglophones has weakened in comparison to Francophones. Looking ahead, the Anglophone situation seems uncertain given the ongoing linguistic tensions and the aspirations of Quebec nationalists for an independent Quebec.

In short, numerous and rapid social changes destabilize the perception through comparisons. It is the dissatisfaction caused by disadvantageous comparisons that will lead individuals to question the value of the group to which they belong and to reevaluate it. More particularly, in a context of changes, threats, and uncertainties, the Anglophone, just like the Francophone, evaluates his pride in belonging to his group. Researchers in social psychology have also proposed evaluating the direct link between the feeling of threat and collective esteem. 15 The majority of research has confirmed the hypothesis suggesting that a high sense of threat leads to a decrease in the sense of pride. 16 According to this work, Anglophones who feel threatened following disadvantageous social or temporal comparisons will reevaluate their feeling of group pride. The Anglophone who experiences a high feeling of threat risks no longer feeling proud of being an Anglophone. The same reasoning can apply to the Francophone. This work concerning the relationship between the feeling of threat and collective esteem is also consistent with the theory of identity processes, 17 which argues that changes in the social context constitute a threat to social identity and, therefore, lead to changes in social identity resulting in a decline in collective esteem.

The threat to one's identity can lead to instability, prompting individuals to develop various adaptation strategies. In times of social change, when the feeling of threat is prominent, individuals may take actions to enhance their social identity if they notice a decline. These coping strategies align with the concept of social identity theory, which focuses on an individual's drive to maintain or achieve a positive social identity.

These strategies for increasing collective esteem can be individual or collective. The distinction between individual and collective strategies is linked to the target of the changes, that is to say, whether they relate to the improvement of the individual or the group. 18 Individuals would first engage in individual strategies to acquire a positive social identity, and then undertake collective strategies when their promotion behaviors proved to be a failure. Individual strategies apply to improving the personal situation without affecting the group situation. The objective is therefore to reduce the importance of their collective identity affiliation in their self-concept. On the other hand, collective strategies directly aim to improve the status or position of the group, which will consequently improve the personal situation of each member of the group. The main aim of the latter is to improve the status of the group by changing the nature of intergroup relations. 19

In the case of linguistic groups in Quebec, it is much easier to leave Quebec for Anglophones than for Francophones, who find themselves in a predominantly English- speaking world outside Quebec. It is recognized that Francophones are more inclined to protect the advantages of their group. The active participation of Francophones and their support for the protection of the French language through collective actions are just one example illustrating their desire to improve the position of their group. Historically, they first adopted individual promotion behaviors by changing their name to an English name or by learning English, for example. However, they quickly returned to collective strategies due to their failure to break into the economy predominantly dominated by Anglophones.

They therefore adopt collective strategies, feeling that only the improvement of their group can bring them personal benefits. It is therefore through collective actions that Francophones directly improve their situation.

On the contrary, Anglophones tend to adopt individual strategies. Authors argue that, even when Anglophones consider the linguistic question a20s a collective problem, a preference for individual strategies is observed. 21 The exodus of large numbers of Anglophones is a typical example of this strategy. This strategy is particularly problematic for Quebec, as much for Anglophones as for Francophones, and does not resolve the fundamental problem. Those who choose to leave Quebec to improve their situation are often professionals with the highest level of education. This strategy is all the more harmful since it is mainly young people who choose to leave Quebec. This phenomenon has the effect of harming Quebec, but above all the development and maintenance of a strong English-speaking community.

Learning French is another individual strategy employed since the development of the individual is the priority. The rate of bilingualism among Anglophones has increased considerably since language policies came into force in Quebec. Furthermore, although the Alliance Quebec movement shows a desire on the part of the English-speaking community to collectively defend its rights to promote its group, the declining support of the English- speaking population for this association and its constant disorganization lean in favor of the demonstration suggesting that Anglophones primarily adopt individual strategies.

In summary, both Anglophones and Francophones feel the need to have a positive and distinct social identity. This need will ensure that Anglophones will react with individual strategies, whereas Francophones with collective strategies.

4. TOWARDS A POSSIBLE SOLUTION

In the previous section, we discussed how social transformations lead individuals to adopt different linguistic behaviors. We highlighted that both English and French speakers feel their identities are under threat. Anglophones have seen their group's importance decline in Quebec, while Francophones, despite improvements in the status of their group and the French language, still feel threatened by the ongoing vitality of Anglophones in North America and globally.

Is it possible that this threat, since it is perceived by both sides, reflects the culmination of a stage in relations between the groups? Is this feeling more linked to insecurity regarding the future maintenance of the group's position? Has Quebec society achieved a certain balance in the dynamics of relations between Francophones and Anglophones? Is the next step a reduction in intergroup conflict and tension? The Taylor and McKirnan model 22 allows us to partially answer these questions.

Taylor and McKirnan's model presents a series of steps to illustrate intergroup relations involving advantaged and disadvantaged groups. The five stages described depict the development of intergroup relations, with social comparisons serving as the driving force. The first stage involves pronounced differences between groups, such as race or language, making it extremely challenging for the disadvantaged group to question its status in relation to the advantaged group. The dominant group does not perceive the dominated group as threatening. In contrast, the final stage reflects relatively equal groups engaged in healthy competition. At this point, the relative power of the groups may stagnate or reverse, leading to regression to previous stages. Alternatively, groups may achieve equality in terms of resources and power, making it difficult to determine which group is more advantaged through intergroup comparisons. The situation in Quebec may align with this final stage.

Taylor and McKirnan's model does not address the dynamics of intergroup relations when the groups in question reach the fifth stage. It is essential to question the ways of maintaining this balance so that competition between groups remains balanced without restricting the aspirations of each group (e.g., maintaining policies that protect the French language), in order to reduce the feeling of threat. One possible solution involves the integration of multiple identities. Once again, work in social psychology guides our thinking. 23

This work especially suggests that it is possible for individuals who are members of different and conflicting groups to identify with the same category (i.e. “Québécois”) without denying their first or main identity. (that is to say English-speaking and French- speaking or Anglo-Québécois and Franco-Québécois). The Anglophones would identify with the “Québécois” category in the same way as the Francophone. This elevated category of social identity concomitantly includes the social identity of both groups. For this solution to be effective and applicable, it is essential that members of both groups feel that their primary identity is respected, recognized, and distinct. A parallel can be drawn with the situation of Francophones in the Canadian context of the application of policies concerning multiculturalism. The concern of French-speaking Quebecers is therefore not to be united with other ethnic groups in Canadian society, but to form a distinct group. In the same way, it is important to recognize not only the historical contribution of Anglophones to Quebec society, but above all to admit that they have a cultural identity that distinguishes them from other Quebec ethnic groups. This is consistent with the results of Hewstone's work, 24 which emphasizes that the feeling of threat decreases when the expertise of each group is promoted and when the distinct character of the original group (for example, English or French) is preserved. 25

From this viewpoint, French-speaking Quebecers need to acknowledge that Anglophones are Quebecers, whilst also recognizing their Anglophone identity. This could involve taking specific measures, such as symbolically acknowledging their Quebecois ethnic identity, for example by preserving the English names of hospitals and giving Anglophones more involvement in political decisions through consultation and representation.

Furthermore, as Quebec Anglophones mainly adopt individual strategies (i.e. learning French), it is more than essential that governments and industries in the private sector encourage them to preserve these behaviors. in return, promote the French language in Quebec. Learning French should be seen as a positive, enriching experience leading to prospects. For example, the government could encourage them more by encouraging young Anglophones to apply for public service in large numbers, by ensuring that equal access to employment programs is indeed applied, and by helping them to improve their French. These same strategies could also be developed in the private sector. In this way, we will prevent Anglophones from forming a separate category in Quebec society. This process will then have the effect of directly increasing the collective esteem of Quebec Anglophones by giving them a sense of community and greater intragroup cohesion.

5. CONCLUSION

In this study, it is important to remember that even though French-speaking Quebecers have a strong collective identity, we should not overlook the fact that they often feel threatened. Promoting a stronger collective identity for Anglophones should not come at the expense of Francophones and their language laws. Additionally, promoting the cultural development of Anglophones does not imply granting them more privileges. In fact, Francophones should continue to take steps to protect and defend the French language with heightened vigilance given the current context of globalization.

On the other hand, one aspect that could slow down the implementation of this strategy is the connotation, or the label, associated with the term Québécois. This term adopted in Quebec, revered and deeply integrated into the social identity of Francophones, could make putting this solution into practice difficult. Indeed, it is established that the term Québécois refers almost exclusively to French-speaking Quebecers. A study conducted in the past maintains that both English and Francophones consider a “Québécois” to be a person who speaks French, is of French-Canadian origin, and supports the independence of Quebec. 26 The study also shows that English speakers identify less strongly with this category compared to French speakers. However, recent political speeches and publications suggest the idea that Quebecers come from diverse ethnicities and nationalities.

How does language fit into discussions on socio-political models that are currently taking place? Language has a central place in all the models discussed; the choice of a common language is the fruit of socio-political deliberation, but choosing a language is not a neutral gesture because it is an instrument of communication and also a vector of identification. Language is also a place of memory and passage. Furthermore, it is the language of public use, and not the language of use at home, which serves as a vector of integration. The link between language and identity is very close. Only true French speakers, those who speak it at home, are custodians of French and are loyal to it, in the sense of linguistic loyalty. Immigrants can only legitimately be full members of Quebec society if they assimilate culturally into the majority group. Anglophones are also not integrated into the Quebec identity. Just like allophones, they can only be members of the political community.

Given the social changes and the effort to create a more inclusive society of ethnic groups within Quebec, it's important to reconsider the definition of "Québécois". Perhaps a new term such as "new Quebecers", "Quebec citizens" or "residents of Quebec" will be more suitable. Should the meaning of "Québécois" be broadened to include "Anglo-Québécois" or "Anglophone Quebecois" as much as "Franco-Québécois" or "Francophone Quebecois"? One thing is clear - creating an inclusive social identity, regardless of the name, will help different linguistic and ethnic groups form a strong and distinct collective identity. However, redefining "Québécois" or creating a new, more inclusive category requires careful consideration beyond the scope of this work. In conclusion, promoting the development of Quebec and all its members will only enhance Quebec society.

Notes

1 R. Y. Bourhis, “Reversing language shift in Québec”, in J. A. Fishman (dir.), Can Threatened Language Be Saved? Reversing Language Shift, Revisited: A 21st Century Perspective, Clevedon (England), Multilingual Matters, 2001, pp. 101-141; A. Bernard, “Les répercussions sociales et politiques de la loi 101”, dans M. Plourde (dir.), Le français au Québec : 400 ans d’histoire et de vie, Québec, Conseil supérieur de la langue française, Fides et Les Publications du Québec, 2000, pp. 292-299.

2 Ibid., p. 292.

3 C. Baker & S. P. Jones, Encyclopedia of Bilingualism and Bilingual Education, Clevedon England, Multilingual Matters, 1998.

4 J. Leclerc, “Histoire du français au Québec”, dans L’aménagement linguistique dans le monde, Québec, Trésor de la langue française au Québec, Université Laval, [En ligne], 2000. [http ://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/francophonie/histfrnqc.htm], 12 octobre 2023.

5 V. Piché, “Immigration et intégration : une crise qui n’a pas eu lieu”, dans R. Côté, Québec 2002. Annuaire politique, social, économique et culturel, Saint-Laurent, Fides, 2001, pp. 43-50.

6 G. Caldwell, “La Charte de la langue française vue par les anglophones”, Revue d’aménagement linguistique, hors-série, automne 2002, pp. 27-36; data-original-title=""G. Stevenson, Community Besieged: The Anglophone Minority and the Politics of Québec, Montreal and Kingston, McGill and Queen’s University Press, 1999; G. Chambers, “Les relations entre anglophones et francophones”, dans M. Plourde (dir.), op. cit., pp. 319-325.

7 Québec, Sous-secrétariat au personnel de la fonction publique, Vers une meilleure représentation de la diversité québécoise dans l’administration publique : rapport sur l’accès à l’égalité en emploi dans la fonction publique québécoise depuis 1980, Québec, gouvernement du Québec, 2000.

8 U. Rocher, Les jeunes et la langue. Usages et attitudes linguistiques des jeunes qui étudient en anglais (de la 4 année du secondaire à la fin du collégial), tome 2, Québec, Conseil supérieur de langue française et Les Publications du Québec, 1994.

9 R. M. Krauss & C.-Y. Chiu, “Language and social behavior”, in D. Gilbert, S. Fiske and G. Lindsey (dir.), Handbook of Social Psychology, vol. 2, Boston, McGraw-Hill, 1997, pp. 41-88; Magill’s Encyclopedia of Social Sciences: Psychology, Pasadena, Salem Press, 2003; A. E. Kazdin (dir.), Encyclopedia of Psychology, Washington (D.C.) and New York, American Psychological Association and Oxford University Press, 2000.

10 For example, H. Giles, D. M. Taylor & R. Y. Bourhis, “Dimensions of Welsh identity”, European Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 7, 1977, pp. 165-174; D. M. Taylor, J. N. Bassili & F. E. Aboud, “Dimensions of ethnic identity: An example from Québec”, Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 89, 1973, pp. 185-192.

11 Op. cit., H. Tajfel, Differentiation between Social Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations, London, Academic Press, 1978; H. Tajfel and J. C. Turner, “The social identity theory of intergroup behaviour”, in S. Worchel & W. G. Austin (dir.), Psychology of Intergroup Relations, Chicago, Nelson-Hall, 1986, pp. 7-24.

12 W. G. Runciman, Relative Deprivation and Social Justice: A Study of Attitudes to Social Inequality in Twentieth-Century England, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1966; W. G. Runciman, “Problems of research on relative deprivation”, in H. H. Hyman & E. Singer (dir.), Readings in Reference Group Theory and Research, New York, Free Press, 1968, pp. 69-76; F. Crosby, “A model of egoistical relative deprivation”, Psychological Review, vol. 83, 1976, pp. 85- 113.

13 S. Albert, “Temporal comparison theory”, Psychological Review, vol. 84, 1977, pp. 485-503.

14 H. Giles, R. Y. Bourhis & D. M. Taylor, “Towards a theory of language in ethnic group relations”, in H. Giles (dir.), Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations, London, Academic Press, 1977, pp. 307- 348.

15 I. Walker, “The effects of personal and group relative deprivation on personal and collective self-esteem”, Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, vol. 2, 1999, pp. 365-380.

16 R. de la Sablonnière, op. cit., It is important to note that this assumption does not always give the expected results (G. Petta & I. Walker, “Relative deprivation and the ethnic identity”, British Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 31, 1992, pp. 285-293; R. de la Sablonnière, op. cit.), For example, a recent study conducted among nurses shows, on the contrary, that a feeling of dissatisfaction following disadvantageous social comparisons does not necessarily lead to a drop in collective esteem. According to this study, it seems that the perception of the positive regard of others towards the group plays a protective role in collective self-esteem. In short, if members of the disadvantaged group perceive that they are favorably judged by the population or by others, collective esteem will not be affected and will even become positive

17 G. M. Breakwel, Coping with Threatened Identities, New York, Methuen, 1986.

18 M. Blanz, A. Mummendey, R. Mielke & A. Klink, “Responding to negative social identity: A taxonomy of identity management strategies”, European Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 28, 1998, pp. 697-729.

19 R. D. Vanneman & T. F. Pettigrew, “Race and relative deprivation in the urban United States”, Race, vol 13, 1972, pp. 461-486.

20 D. M. Taylor, Les réactions des anglophones face à la Charte de la langue française, Québec, gouvernement du Québec, 1986.

21 D. M. Taylor, D. Wong-Rieger, D. J. McKirnan & T. Bercusson, “Interpreting and coping with threat in the context of intergroup relations”, Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 117, 1982, pp. 257-270.

22 D. M. Taylor & D. J. McKirnan, “A five-stage model of intergroup relations”, British Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 23, 1984, pp. 291-300.

23 For example, S. L. Gaertner & al., “The common ingroup identity model for reducing intergroup bias: Progress and challenges”, in D. Capozza and R. Brown (dir.), Social Identity Processes: Trends in Theory and Research, London, Sage, 2000, pp. 133-148; M. J. Hornsey & M. A. Hogg, “Intergroup similarity and subgroup relations: Some implications for assimiliation”, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, vol. 26, 2000, pp. 948-958; M. J. Hornsey & M. A. Hogg, “Assimilation and diversity: An integrative model of subgroup relations”, Personality and Social Psychology Review, vol. 4, 2000, pp. 143-156; M. J. Hornsey & M. A. Hogg, “Subgroup relations: A comparison of the mutual intergroup differentiation and common ingroup identity models of prejudice reduction”, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, vol. 26, 2000, pp. 242-256; M. J. Hornsey & M. A. Hogg, “The effects of status on subgroup relations”, British Journal of Social Psychology, vol. 41, 2002, pp. 203-218; S. Roccas & M. B. Brewer, “Social identity complexity”, Personality and Social Psychology Review, vol. 6, 2002, pp. 88-106.

24 M. Hewstone, “Contact and categorization: Social psychological interventions to change intergroup relations”, in C. N. Macrae, C. Stangor & M. Hewstone (dir.), Stereotypes and Stereotyping, New York, Guilford, 1996, pp. 323-368.

25 This proposition is similar to the ideology of multiculturalism (J. W. Berry, “Intercultural relations in plural societies”, Canadian Psychology, vol. 40, 1999, pp. 12-21), to additive bilingualism (i.e. where learning French for the English speaker will not affect their first language; R. Clément, K. A. Noels & B. Deneault, “Interethnic contact, identity, and psychological adjustment: The mediating and moderating roles of communication”, Journal of Social Issues, vol. 57, 2001, pp. 559-577) and the plural society promoted in Quebec. For example, multiculturalism encourages various ethnic groups to preserve their cultural identity. If members of ethnic groups do not feel their cultural identity threatened, they will be more open to other cultures (J. W. Berry, R. Kalin & D. M. Taylor, Multiculturalism and Ethnic Attitudes in Canada, Ottawa, Minister of Supply and Services, 1977).

26 D. M. Taylor & R. J. Sigal, “Defining ‘Québécois’, The role of ethnic heritage, language, and political orientation”, Études ethniques au Canada/Canadian Ethnic Studies, vol. 82, 1982, pp. 59-70.

REFERENCES

1.

Albert, Stuart. (1977). Temporal comparison theory, Psychological Review 84, 485-503.

2.

Baker, Colin & Sylvia, Prys Jones. (1998). Encyclopedia of Bilingualism and Bilingual Education. Clevedon (Angleterre): Multi lingual Matters.

3.

Bernard, André. (2000). Les répercussions sociales et politiques de la loi 101, dans M. Plourde (dir.), Le français au Québec : 400 ans d’histoire et de vie, Québec. Conseil supérieur de la langue française : Fides et Les Publications du Québec, 292-299.

4.

Berry, John W., Rudolf Kalin & Donald M. Taylor. (1977). Multiculturalism and Ethnic Attitudes in Canada. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services.

5.

Berry, John W. (1999). Intercultural relations in plural societies, Canadian Psychology 40, 12-21.

6.

Blanz, Mathias, Amélie Mummendey, Rosemary Mielke & Andreas Klink. (1998). Responding to negative social identity: A taxonomy of identity management strategies, European Journal of Social Psychology 28, 697-729.

7.

Bourhis, Richard Y. (2001). Reversing language shift in Québec, in J. A. Fishman (dir.), Can Threatened Language Be Saved? Reversing Language Shift, Revisited: A 21st Century Perspective. Clevedon (England): Multilingual Matters, 101-141.

8.

Breakwell, Glynis M. (1986). Coping with Threatened Identities. New York: Methuen.

9.

Caldwell, Gary. (2002). La Charte de la langue française vue par les anglophones, Revue d’aménagement linguistique. hors-série, automne, 27-36.

10.

Chambers, Gretta. (2000). Les relations entre anglophones et francophones, dans M.
Plourde (dir.), Le français au Québec : 400 ans d’histoire et de vie. Québec, Conseil supérieur de la langue française, Fides et Les Publications du Québec, 319-325.

11.

Clément, Richard, Kimberly A. Noels & Bernard Deneault. (2001). Interethnic contact, identity, and psychological adjustment: The mediating and moderating roles of communication, Journal of Social Issues 57, 559-577.

12.

Crosby, Fay. (1976). A model of egoistical relative deprivation, Psychological Review 83. 85-113.

13.

De la Sablonnière, Roxane. (2002). Les réactions aux changements sociaux profonds, nombreux et rapides : de l’effet conjugué de l’identité sociale et de la privation relative, Thèse de doctorat, Université d’Ottawa.

14.

Gaertner, Samuel L., & al. (2000). The common ingroup identity model for reducing intergroup bias: Progress and challenges, in D. Capozza & R. Brown (dir.), Social Identity Processes: Trends in Theory and Research. London: Sage, 133-148.

15.

Giles, Howard, Richard Y., Bourhis & Donald M., Taylor. (1977). Towards a theory of language in ethnic group relations, in H. Giles (dir.), Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations. London: Academic Press, 307-348.

16.

Giles, Howard, Donald M., Taylor & Richard Y., Bourhi. (1977). Dimensions of Welsh identity, European Journal of Social Psychology 7, 165-174.

17.

Hewstone, Mile. (1996). Contact and categorization: Social psychological interventions to change intergroup relations, in C. N. Macrae, C. Stangor & M. Hewstone (dir.), Stereotypes and Stereotyping. New York: Guilford, 323-368.

18.

Hornsey, Matthew J., & Michael A., Hogg. (2000). Assimilation and diversity: An integrative model of subgroup relations, Personality and Social Psychology Review 4, 143-156.

19.

Hornsey, Matthew J., & Michael A., Hogg. (2000). Subgroup relations: A comparison of the mutual intergroup differentiation and common ingroup identity models of prejudice reduction, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 26, 242-256.

20.

Hornsey Matthew J., & Michael A., Hogg. (2000). Intergroup similarity and subgroup relations: Some implications for assimilation, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 26, 948-958.

21.

Hornsey, Matthew J., & Michael A., Hogg. (2002). The effects of status on subgroup relations, British Journal of Social Psychology 41, 203-218.

22.

Kazdin, Alan E. (dir.). (2000). Encyclopedia of Psychology. Washington (D.C.) & New York: American Psychological Association & Oxford University Press.

23.

Krauss, Robert M., & Chi-Yue, Chiu. (1997). Language and social behavior, in D. Gilbert, S. Fiske & G. Lindsey (dir.), Handbook of Social Psychology 2. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 41-88.

24.

Leclerc, Jacques. (2000). Histoire du français au Québec, dans L’aménagement linguistique dans le monde. Québec: Trésor de la langue française au Québec, Université Laval, [En ligne], [http://www.tlfq.ulaval.ca/axl/francophonie/histfrnqc.htm], 12 octobre 2023.

25.

McCarthy Tétrault. (2023). Bill C-13’s French language requirements in Québec or regions with a strong francophone presence: Implications for federally regulated entities in Canada. Retrieved from [https://www.mccarthy.ca/en/insights/blogs/canadian-employer-advisor/bill-c-13s- french-language-requirements-quebec-or-regions-strong-francophone-presence- implications-federally-regulated-entities-canada], September 18, 2023.

26.

Petta, Gabrielle & Iain, Walker. (1992). Relative deprivation and the ethnic identity, British Journal of Social Psychology 31, 285-293.

27.

Piché, Victor. (2001). Immigration et intégration : une crise qui n’a pas eu lieu, dans Roch Côté, Québec 2002. Annuaire politique, social, économique et culturel. Saint-Laurent: Fides, 43-50.

28.

Québec, Sous-secrétariat au personnel de la fonction publique. (2000). Vers une meilleure représentation de la diversité québécoise dans l’administration publique : rapport sur l’accès à l’égalité en emploi dans la fonction publique québécoise depuis 1980. Québec: gouvernement du Québec.

29.

Roccas, Sonia & Marilynn B., Brewer. (2002). Social identity complexity, Personality and Social Psychology Review 6, 88-106.

30.

Rocher, Uli. (1994). Les jeunes et la langue. Usages et attitudes linguistiques des jeunes qui étudient en anglais (de la 4e année du secondaire à la fin du collégial), tome 2.
Québec : Conseil supérieur de la langue française et Les Publications du Québec.

31.

Runciman, Walter Garrison. (1966). Relative Deprivation and Social Justice: A Study of Attitudes to Social Inequality in Twentieth-Century England. Berkeley: University of California Press.

32.

Runciman, Walter Garrison. (1968). Problems of research on relative deprivation, in Herbert H. Hyman et E. Singer (dir.), Readings in Reference Group Theory and Research. New York: Free Press, 69-76.

33.

Stevenson, Garth. (1999). Community Besieged: The Anglophone Minority and the Politics of Québec. Montréal & Kingston: McGill & Queen’s University Press.

34.

Tajfel, Henri. (1978). Differentiation between Social Groups: Studies in the Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations. London: Academic Press.

35.

Tajfel, Henri & John C., Turner. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior, in S. Worchel & William G. Austin (dir.), Psychology of Intergroup Relations. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 7-24.

36.

Taylor, Donald M. (1986). Les réactions des anglophones face à la Charte de la langue française. Québec : gouvernement du Québec.

37.

Taylor, Donald M., John N., Bassili & Frances E., Aboud. (1973). Dimensions of ethnic identity: An example from Quebec, Journal of Social Psychology 89, 185-192.

38.

Taylor, Donald M., & David J., McKirnan. (1984). A five-stage model of intergroup relations, British Journal of Social Psychology 23, 291-300.

39.

Taylor, Donald M., & Ronald J., Sigal. (1982). Defining ‘Québécois’. The role of ethnic heritage, language, and political orientation, Études ethniques au Canada/Canadian Ethnic Studies 82, 59-70.

40.

Taylor, Donald M., Durhane, Wong-Rieger, David J., McKirnan & Tamar, Bercusson. (1982). Interpreting and coping with threat in the context of intergroup relations, Journal of Social Psychology 117, 257-270.

41.

Vanneman, Reeve D., & Thomas F., Pettigrew. (1972). Race and relative deprivation in the urban United States, Race 13, 461-486.

42.

Walker, Iain. (1999). The effects of personal and group relative deprivation on personal and collective self-esteem, Group Processes and Intergroup Relations 2, 365-380.
Copyright © The Korean Association for Canadian Studies. 2024.