Argumentative Writing to International Student Policies in Canada and Korea
Received: 2025-10-30 ; Accepted: 2025-12-10
Published Online: 2025-12-31
Abstract
This study investigates how Korean university students construct and justify their reasoning in English argumentative essays addressing two contrasting international student policies: Canada’s restriction on international student enrollment and Korea’s expansion initiative. Drawing on 175 essays written by undergraduate EFL students, the analysis identifies both the stances students take and the reasoning patterns underlying their arguments. The findings reveal systematic contrasts across policy contexts. In the Canadian case, students predominantly employed economic reasoning, focusing on domestic welfare, resource management, and the legitimacy of government responsibility. In contrast, essays on Korea’s expansion policy emphasized socio-cultural and educational reasoning, highlighting internationalization as a means of cultural exchange, institutional survival, and national development. These patterns suggest that students’ reasoning adapts to the perceived orientation and socio-political framing of each policy, demonstrating context-sensitive argumentation. The study argues that L2 argumentative writing tasks, when grounded in authentic policy debates, can serve as powerful instruments for examining learners’ critical thinking and social judgment, revealing how they use English not only to argue but also to reason about public issues.
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Introduction
Second language writing has traditionally been viewed as a means of linguistic development, where learners practice grammar, expand vocabulary, and refine control of target language structures. However, recent perspectives emphasize that writing also functions as a mode of thinking and inquiry, enabling learners to construct meaning and engage with complex ideas (Hyland, 2019). Argumentative writing, in particular, requires not only linguistic accuracy but also the ability to reason through evidence, evaluate alternatives, and justify one’s stance (Hirvela, 2017; Hyland, 2019). Despite its central role in academic literacy, L2 argumentation has often been studied in limited ways, focusing on structural competence rather than the substance of reasoning: how learners form and justify their ideas.
Understanding how students reason in writing is essential for both pedagogical development and theoretical advancement in L2 writing. When students engage with authentic, complex issues, their writing reveals not only argumentative competence but also how they perceive social priorities and position themselves within broader debates (Flowerdew, 2017; Johns, 2015). Building on this view, the present study explores how Korean university students reason about international student policies through English argumentative essays. By analyzing their stances and reasoning patterns across two contrasting policy contexts -Canada’s restriction on international student enrollment and Korea’s expansion initiative- this study aims to illuminate how L2 argumentation functions as both linguistic performance and a form of situated reasoning.
Review of Literature
Second language writing has evolved from a focus on linguistic accuracy to recognition of its social, rhetorical, and cognitive dimensions. Hyland (2019) characterizes L2 academic writing as fundamentally a social practice through which writers position themselves within discourse communities and construct knowledge. Argumentative writing, central to academic literacy, requires writers to present claims, support them with evidence, anticipate counterarguments, and construct logically coherent positions (Ferretti & Lewis, 2013).
Research on L2 argumentation has drawn extensively on Toulmin’s (1958) model, which identifies key components including claims, data, and warrants. Qin and Karabacak (2010) found that Chinese EFL students could produce claims and data but struggled with warrants: the logical connections between evidence and conclusions. Critically, Qin and Karabacak (2010) also determined that the uses of secondary elements, such as counterargument claims, counterargument data, rebuttal claims, and rebuttal data, were significant predictors of the overall quality of argumentative papers, whereas the use of claims and data were not correlated with overall quality. This evidence suggests that assessing L2 argumentation requires moving beyond the mere presence of basic structural elements to analyze the sophistication and substance of reasoning. Liu and Stapleton (2014) demonstrated that engagement with counterarguments was associated with more sophisticated reasoning, suggesting that dialogic argumentation promotes deeper cognitive engagement. Stapleton and Wu (2015) developed a multidimensional framework for assessing argument quality, revealing that many L2 learners struggled particularly with providing adequate warrants and engaging substantively with opposing viewpoints.
Central to argumentative writing is stance-taking: how writers express attitudes and commitment to propositions through linguistic resources such as hedges, boosters, and attitude markers (Hyland, 2005). Lee and Deakin (2016) found that successful L2 writers used stance markers more effectively, creating stronger dialogic engagement with readers. However, stance-taking is shaped by cultural background, educational experience, and disciplinary expectations. While Kaplan (1966) associated rhetorical differences with cultural thought patterns, later scholars such as Kubota and Lehner (2004) reframed these differences as socially constructed rather than inherent, emphasizing the influence of educational context and ideology. Contemporary scholarship examines how specific educational contexts shape argumentative discourse while avoiding cultural stereotyping. Research on Korean EFL learners has often focused on organizational patterns and adherence to Western rhetorical conventions (Shin, 2014), with less attention to the substance of their argumentative reasoning. The present study examines not whether Korean students’ arguments conform to Western patterns but what their reasoning reveals about how they perceive policy issues.
Critical thinking in writing contexts manifests through the quality of reasoning, depth of analysis, consideration of multiple perspectives, and logical coherence of arguments (Facione, 1990). However, defining and measuring critical thinking in L2 writing presents particular challenges, as it requires distinguishing between linguistic proficiency and reasoning ability.
The relationship between language proficiency and critical thinking in L2 writing remains contested. While some argue that lower proficiency constrains reasoning expression (Hirvela, 2017), others suggest that critical thinking abilities can transfer across languages with appropriate support. Floyd (2011) found that while language proficiency and critical thinking were correlated, they represented distinct constructs; some students with moderate proficiency demonstrated strong reasoning when given meaningful topics. Paton (2002) revealed considerable variation in reasoning sophistication that could not be explained by proficiency alone, suggesting that prior educational experience, topic familiarity, and task engagement significantly influence reasoning depth.
Kuhn (1991) conceptualizes critical thinking as fundamentally dialogic -the ability to engage with alternative perspectives and construct arguments that acknowledge complexity and uncertainty. This framing is particularly relevant for L2 argumentative writing, where engaging with counterarguments and multiple viewpoints represents advanced reasoning. Kuhn and Crowell (2011) demonstrated that explicit instruction in dialogic argumentation improved adolescents' reasoning abilities, suggesting that critical thinking can be developed through pedagogical intervention.
However, Hirvela (2017) argues that L2 writing research has “missed the boat” on argumentation by focusing excessively on linguistic features while neglecting cognitive and social dimensions. As Nussbaum (2008) notes, this structural orientation overlooks the substance of reasoning, including the considerations students emphasize, the values that underlie their positions, and the ways arguments reflect social interpretation. This tendency is particularly evident in research on Korean EFL learners, which has focused primarily on organizational patterns with limited attention to the content of arguments. Korean education has long emphasized exam-oriented instruction and mastery of established knowledge rather than open-ended inquiry (Seth, 2002), which may shape students’ approach to argumentative writing. While this educational tradition may constrain opportunities for exploratory thinking, subsequent research has shown that students’ reasoning ability itself is not inherently weak but depends largely on task design. Stapleton (2001) demonstrated that Asian students’ apparent difficulty with critical thinking often stemmed from unfamiliar topics or insufficient scaffolding, and that they were capable of sophisticated reasoning when tasks provided meaningful contexts and support. This finding has been reaffirmed in Korean EFL contexts, where engaging and authentic topics tend to enhance students’ argumentative engagement. The present study addresses this gap by examining both the stances students take and the reasoning patterns that reveal their underlying thought processes when writing about authentic policy issues.
A focus on authentic, meaningful content such as real policy issues is essential for English for Academic Purposes (EAP) and L2 writing pedagogy (Johns, 2015). When students write about international student policies, they participate in public debates and reveal their understandings of national interest, social values, and economic priorities (Benesch, 2001; Flowerdew, 2017). Such authenticity is particularly relevant for this study, which situates students’ writing within real policy contexts to examine how engagement with public debates fosters critical reasoning. While such tasks pose knowledge demands, risks can be mitigated through targeted scaffolding and curated background materials (Wette, 2017). Tasks that engage with complex, authentic issues tend to elicit more substantive reasoning than those based on generic or decontextualized topics (Phakiti & Li, 2011).
However, writing about complex policy debates poses challenges. Students may lack necessary background knowledge about complex policy debates, making it difficult for them to construct informed arguments (Wette, 2017). These risks can be mitigated through careful task design, including the provision of background information, opportunities for discussion and inquiry, and explicit instruction on evaluating sources and considering multiple perspectives. The present study addresses these considerations by providing students with brief background descriptions of each policy context, adapted from official government announcements and media reports. These materials offered essential factual information while leaving room for students to interpret the policies, evaluate their merits, and construct their own positions.
Despite substantial research on L2 argumentative writing, significant gaps remain. First, most studies employ generic topics that, while useful for examining argument structure, fail to engage learners with real-world policy complexity (Hirvela, 2017). Second, research has generally focused on linguistic features or general argumentative competence while paying less attention to reasoning content -what types of arguments students employ and how these reflect social judgments (Paton, 2002). Third, research on Korean EFL learners has emphasized organizational patterns with minimal attention to how their reasoning engages complex issues (Shin, 2014). Finally, few studies examine how learners' reasoning varies across different policy contexts, making it difficult to distinguish general argumentative capacities from context-specific interpretations.
This study addresses these gaps by investigating how Korean university students perceive and interpret contrasting international student policies, Canada’s restriction policy on international students and Korea’s expansion-oriented Study Korea 300K initiative, through argumentative essays in English. By analyzing both the stances students take and the reasoning patterns they employ across two policy contexts, the study demonstrates that L2 argumentative writing tasks, when designed around authentic issues, can provide insights into learners' critical reasoning and social judgment. Students’ essays function not merely as demonstrations of linguistic competence but as windows into how they perceive social issues, what priorities they hold, and how they reason through complex questions of collective decision-making. This expanded understanding of L2 writing as simultaneously linguistic practice, cognitive activity, and social engagement illuminates the intersection of language learning, critical thinking, and civic participation.
- What stances do Korean university students take toward Canada’s policy restricting international student numbers and Korea’s policy expanding international student enrollment?
- How do students’ essays reveal different patterns of reasoning when addressing Canadian and Korean international student policies?
Methodology
This study was conducted in the context of an English composition course at a university located in Seoul, South Korea. The course formed part of the university’s general English program and was designed to help students progress toward producing coherent, extended essays by the end of the semester. A key emphasis of the course was on argumentative writing, in which students were expected not only to develop linguistic competence but also to articulate and defend their own opinions. In this sense, the course integrated the dual aims of fostering English writing proficiency and cultivating learners’ ability to engage in critical thinking.
A total of 216 undergraduate students enrolled in an English composition course at a university in Seoul, South Korea, participated in this study. All participants were first-year, first-semester students from science, technology, engineering, and mathematics majors, with ages ranging from 19 to 21 years old. The majority were native speakers of Korean. English proficiency levels ranged from low-intermediate to upper-intermediate, as determined by G-TELP (General Tests of English Language Proficiency) placement tests administered at the beginning of the semester. Participation was embedded within the regular course curriculum. At the beginning of the semester, all students were informed that coursework materials might be used for research purposes and provided their consent accordingly. All students completed argumentative writing tasks as part of their coursework requirements, and essays were collected for analysis with no additional selection criteria applied at the recruitment stage.
The argumentative writing task on international student policies was designed to serve dual purposes of language learning and critical engagement, requiring students to articulate positions on socially and politically meaningful issues: Canada’s restriction policy of international students and Korea’s expansion policy. This task encouraged students to connect language use with real-world contexts. The rationale for this task therefore lies in demonstrating how L2 writing can function not only as a site of linguistic practice but also as a means of exploring students’ perceptions of policy, critical reasoning, and social judgment. It is important to note that the present study does not focus on the linguistic development of students per se, but rather on how learners perceive and interpret the policy issues themselves through their argumentative writing. The analysis therefore centers on the content and reasoning patterns evident in students' essays, rather than on grammatical accuracy, lexical complexity, or other language-focused measures.
To elicit students’ argumentative reasoning, two essay tasks were designed, each addressing a contrasting national policy context. Students were randomly assigned to one of the two topics by class section, which resulted in an unequal distribution of essays across the two prompts. The first task asked students to respond to the question, “Do you agree with Canada’s decision to limit international students due to housing and inflation issues?” The second task prompted students to write about Korea’s expansion policy direction under the Study Korea 300K initiative, with the essay title framed as “Should Korea increase the number of international students?” Because both policy contexts were unfamiliar to many participants, each task was accompanied by a short background description adapted from government announcements and media reports. The inclusion of this background information was pedagogically necessary to ensure that students could meaningfully engage with the topic within the time limits of a classroom essay.
For the Canadian task, the background explained that the cap on international students was introduced in 2024 in response to housing shortages, rising living costs, concerns about low-quality private colleges, and increasing public dissatisfaction with pressures on social services. For the Korean task, the background explained that the government’s goal of raising international student numbers from 200,000 to 300,000 by 2027 was motivated by demographic decline and university survival, as well as anticipated economic benefits and the promotion of Korean culture abroad.
Data collection took place at the end of the 15-week semester, after students had completed all instructional units on argumentative essay writing. The task was conducted as a 60-minute in-class timed writing assessment under controlled conditions, with no access to dictionaries or external resources. Background information for each policy context was displayed on the classroom screen via PowerPoint throughout the writing session to provide necessary contextual scaffolding. A total of 216 essays were collected. However, not all essays demonstrated the level of independent reasoning and structural coherence required for analysis. Essays were excluded from dataset if they merely reproduced the background information without elaboration, or that failed to produce a coherent argumentative essay structure (i.e., introduction, two or three body paragraphs, and conclusion), or lacked a clear stance.
To ensure coding reliability, two course instructors independently reviewed all 216 essays and rated them against the inclusion criteria. Inter-rater agreement was substantial, with Cohen’s kappa of 0.82 (Landis & Koch, 1977). Following this review process, 175 essays were retained for final analysis: 102 essays on Canada (27% exclusion rate from initial 140) and 73 essays on Korea (4% exclusion rate from initial 76). This selection process ensured that the analysis focused not on the reproduction of given information but on students' own argumentative reasoning. While the background descriptions inevitably scaffolded students’ thinking, the data ultimately represent instances where learners appropriated, expanded, or resisted these frames to articulate their own stances. In this sense, the dataset provides a valid foundation for examining how L2 writers construct arguments around complex policy issues. Before analysis, all essays were anonymized and assigned numerical IDs.
The analysis sought to uncover both the orientations that students expressed toward the two national policy contexts and the reasoning structures that underpinned their argumentative discourse. To achieve this, the study employed a combination of quantitative and qualitative procedures designed to capture not only the distribution of students’ stances but also the frequency and depth of the rationales used to support them.
For RQ1, each essay was classified as expressing either support or opposition to the policy prompt based on explicit statements in the introduction and conclusion. A frequency count was conducted to determine the proportion of supportive and oppositional essays for each national policy context.
For RQ2, the focus shifted from what position students took to how they justified it. A two-stage analysis combining quantitative content coding and qualitative discourse interpretation was applied. The inclusion of quantitative analysis in RQ2 was essential for capturing the relative salience of reasoning types across the dataset. The goal was not simply to list the categories of reasoning, but to show which rationales were widely shared among participants, interpreting the students’ reasoning tendencies as emerging patterns of collective judgment.
Through iterative reading and open coding, four major reasoning categories were identified as seen in Table 1. These categories were not mutually exclusive. Each essay could contain multiple reasoning categories, reflecting the multidimensionality of argumentative writing. Each essay was systematically coded for the presence (1) or absence (0) of each reasoning category, allowing for calculation of the percentage of essays that included each type of reasoning, disaggregated by country (Canada/Korea) and stance (support/opposition).
| Reasoning Category | Definition | Illustrative Expressions and Indicators |
| Economic Reasoning | Appeals to financial cost, employment, tuition, population economy, or national revenue | economy, money, cost, price, tuition, rent, housing, financial, benefit, labor, job, work, salary |
| Educational Reasoning | Concerns with learning quality, fairness, academic competition, or university sustainability | education, university, school, college, learning, study, academic, professor, quality, academic level |
| Socio-cultural Reasoning | Emphasis on intercultural exchange, diversity, global image, and social inclusion | culture, cultural, language, communication, diversity, friend, relationship, experience, international, global |
| Policy-oriented Reasoning | References to government regulation, demographic issues, policy planning, or long-term strategy | policy, government, system, plan, support, control, law, regulation, immigration, responsibility, strategy, healthcare, crime, citizen right, citizen pressure, population |
A qualitative layer of analysis followed, focusing on representative excerpts from each category. These excerpts were examined for linguistic and rhetorical features to illustrate how students constructed meaning within each reasoning domain. For example, economic reasoning was often linked to notions of “stability” or “national survival” in Korean essays, whereas in Canadian essays it was frequently connected to “fairness” and “resource management.” This interpretive step added depth to the frequency data, showing that reasoning categories were not only statistical codes but also discursive constructs shaped by context. Through this combination of breadth and depth, the analysis provided a comprehensive account of students’ policy reasoning.
Results
To explore students’ stances toward international student policies, each essay was coded as either supporting or opposing the government policy presented in the prompt. All 175 essays expressed clear and explicit positions, with no ambiguous or neutral cases.
| Policy Context | Total Essays | Support (n, % | )Opposition (n, %) |
| Canada: Restriction Policy | 102 | 67 (66%) | 35 (34%) |
| Korea: Expansion Policy | 73 | 60 (84%) | 13 (18%) |
| Total | 175 | 127 (73%) | 48 (27%) |
As shown in Table 2, the results show that students demonstrated strong orientation toward supporting each country’s respective policy direction. In the Canadian context, a majority of students (66%) expressed support for the government’s decision to limit the number of international students, while one-third (34%) opposed it. Conversely, in the Korean context, a large majority (84%) supported the government’s plan to expand international student enrollment and only a small minority (18%) disagreed. Although both groups predominantly took supportive positions, the direction of support diverged according to the national context: restriction in Canada and expansion in Korea.
The cross-context comparison thus reveals a mirror-like pattern: students largely agreed with each government’s policy direction, reflecting sensitivity to contextual differences between the two national cases. These stance distributions provide a quantitative foundation for the subsequent analysis of reasoning patterns, which explores the specific rationales students used to justify their positions.
While the stance analysis revealed that students largely supported the respective policy direction of each country, the reasoning analysis examined how and why these positions were justified. The analysis identified four major reasoning categories recurring across both national contexts: economic, educational, socio-cultural, and policy-oriented reasoning. Within each category, students’ arguments reflected both supportive and oppositional perspectives that varied systematically across the two policy issues. By combining quantitative frequency counts with qualitative discourse interpretation, the analysis illuminates how learners constructed their argumentative logic and how their reasoning was shaped by their social positioning within the policy contexts.
Table 3 summarizes the frequency with which each reasoning type appeared across the two policy contexts. Each essay could include multiple reasoning types, and the frequencies represent the number of essays in which each type appeared at least once. The percentages in parentheses indicate the proportion of essays within each stance category that employed each reasoning type.
| Country | Stance | N. | Economic | Educational | Socio-cultural | Policy-oriented |
| Canada | Support | 67 | 61 (91%) | 56 (84%) | 9 (13%) | 44 (66%) |
| Opposition | 35 | 34 (97%) | 21 (60%) | 20 (57%) | 16 (46%) | |
| Korea | Support | 60 | 35 (58%) | 31 (52%) | 78 (130%) | 22 (37%) |
| Opposition | 13 | 5 (38%) | 11 (85%) | 7 (54%) | 7 (54%) | |
| Total | 175 | 135 (77%) | 119 (68%) | 114 (65%) | 89 (51%) | |
The most striking contrast appeared in socio-cultural reasoning. This category was minimally present in essays on Canada, appearing in only 9 supportive essays (13%) and 20 oppositional essays (57%). In contrast, socio-cultural reasoning dominated essays supporting Korea’s expansion policy, appearing in 78 of 60 supportive essays (130%, indicating multiple socio-cultural arguments per essay on average). Among oppositional essays on Korea, socio-cultural reasoning appeared in 7 of 13 essays (54%). This pattern suggests that students understood Korea’s expansion policy not primarily as an economic issue but as a matter of cultural exchange, global soft power, and national identity.
Educational reasoning appeared with relatively consistent frequency across both contexts, though with varying emphases depending on stance. In the Canadian context, 56 supportive essays (84%) and 21 oppositional essays (60%) invoked educational considerations. In the Korean context, 31 supportive essays (52%) and 11 oppositional essays (85%) employed educational reasoning. This moderate consistency suggests that educational quality formed a common thread in students’ argumentative repertoires regardless of national context although the specific nature of educational arguments differed between supportive and oppositional positions.
Policy-oriented reasoning showed moderate but uneven distribution across contexts and stances. It appeared in 44 Canadian supportive essays (66%), 16 Canadian oppositional essays (46%), 22 Korean supportive essays (37%), and 7 Korean oppositional essays (54%). This reasoning type typically addressed questions of policy implementation, government responsibility, and the appropriateness of state intervention. The moderate frequency across both contexts suggests that while a substantial portion of students engaged with governance dimensions of the issue, policy-oriented considerations were secondary to substantive concerns about economic, educational, and socio-cultural impacts.
These quantitative patterns reveal that students’ reasoning was not uniform across the two policy contexts but rather varied systematically according to how they understood the nature and purpose of each policy. This divergence suggests that students’ argumentative strategies were shaped by the specific policy narratives presented in the task materials, by their prior knowledge and assumptions about each country’s situation, and potentially by their own positioning relative to each policy context. The following sections examine each reasoning type in detail, exploring the specific arguments students employed and how these arguments reflected different interpretive frames across the two national contexts.
Economic Reasoning in the Canadian Context
Economic reasoning was overwhelmingly prominent in essays addressing Canada’s restrictive policy. Among supportive essays (n=61), students primarily focused on resource scarcity and infrastructure limitations. The most common arguments centered on housing shortages affecting both domestic and international students, inflation and rising costs of living exacerbated by population growth, and economic pressures on domestic citizens.
A recurring theme was the causal link between international student growth and housing market strain. Students conceptualized this relationship through cause-and-effect reasoning, emphasizing market imbalance and limited resources. One student stated, “The rapid growth of international students raised rent and living costs, which made people in Canada suffer from them,” while another highlighted that “there is no place that domestic citizens live in... due to housing shortages, rent and living costs got increased.” Some explicitly connected demand for rental housing with broader economic impacts: “If the demand of rental housing increases, the cost of it also increases. And it also trigger increase of cost of living in that area.” This inflationary process was described as “a fatal problem to Canada's economy,” framing the restriction as an economically necessary intervention to prevent systemic destabilization.
Some essays contrasted the temporary presence of international students with the permanent residence of Canadians, arguing that the government had a responsibility to prioritize its own people's economic stability. One student expressed this sentiment explicitly: “International students will go back to their home; however, domestic citizens will continue living in Canada.” This reasoning emphasized how the economic strain fell disproportionately on Canadians who had to compete for limited housing and pay higher rents. As one student noted, “Because international students rent houses to live there, the cost increased rapidly which also affected people who live near school.” The situation was described as one that “makes citizens hard to live,” positioning restriction as an act of protection rather than exclusion.
Economic reasoning also figured prominently in oppositional essays (n=34), though with reversed valence compared to the supportive group. Students reframed international students not as economic burdens but as vital contributors to Canada’s prosperity. Many emphasized their financial contributions through tuition, consumption, and labor participation. Students argued that “international students spend a lot of money in Canada… These money goes to Canadians accounts. They can use money for welfare and boosting the domestic market,” reframing the issue from one of cost to one of national benefit. Others highlighted that “people who go to international student entering Canada will spend their money in Canada. Canadian government can make benefits by their money… if they earn money, they should pay taxes.” Both examples conceptualized restriction as economically self-defeating, depriving Canada of valuable revenue.
A second line of reasoning focused on university finances, stressing that international tuition fees sustain institutional quality. One student clearly stated, “Private college’s income source is tuition fee by international students… If international students visa cap continues, this source disappears. Then, colleges offer low-quality programs.” Others noted that “many universities and colleges rely heavily on their tuition fees to fund programs and services… cutting down the number of students could financially destabilize smaller institutions.” In these arguments, limiting international enrollment was viewed as economically irrational because it would undermine Canada's higher education system.
Economic Reasoning in the Korean Context
Economic reasoning appeared less frequently and with different emphases in essays on Korea’s expansion policy. Among supportive essays (n=35), arguments centered on three interconnected economic rationales: university financial sustainability in response to demographic decline, broader economic benefits through student consumption and labor market contributions, and strategic investment for long-term national growth.The most prominent theme was the financial sustainability of universities. Many students recognized that declining domestic enrollment, caused by low birth rates, threatened university operations, especially in rural areas. Students expressed this concern, “university survival problem can be solved. … If international students enroll university in non-metropolitan, it can stay at own place” and “the most important problem is finance of non-metropolitan university … international students solve financial problem.” Such arguments linked the policy directly to the economic survival of educational institutions, implying that international recruitment was a pragmatic response to demographic and fiscal decline.
Another key reasoning pattern emphasized broader economic benefits. Students viewed international students as contributors to the national economy through consumption, housing, and tourism. Students argued, “they will spend much money in various area inevitably… they need to pay tuition for school, they also pay for housing, clothes, food in local” and explained that “That can make economy circulation; much money in a market make economy circulation,” connecting economic circulation to local market vitality. This line of reasoning positioned internationalization as a form of economic stimulation, benefiting both urban and regional economies.
Several students also framed the policy as a strategic investment for future growth. Some emphasized long-term contributions: “international students could solve deficiency of workers of suburbs,” connecting education to labor market reinforcement. Others made a similar point: “as the time passes, some of international student would get a job at south Korea. While they work, they are making our GDP to grow.” These statements extend beyond immediate financial gains, portraying the policy as part of a long-term human capital strategy.
Among oppositional essays (n=5), economic reasoning was minimal and subordinate to other concerns. When present, it questioned whether attracting more international students was a realistic or equitable solution to Korea’s economic and demographic challenges.
A frequent criticism was that the policy imposed economic burdens without guaranteeing reciprocal benefit to Korean citizens. One student argued that “the government uses lots of money to help them, so I’m not sure if this economically beneficial for us,” expressing concern that significant government spending on international student support might divert resources away from domestic priorities. Students perceived this as a misallocation of national funds, questioning whether such financial assistance produced proportional returns for Korean taxpayers.
Another recurring concern centered on the economic readiness of the labor market to absorb more international graduates. One student cautioned, “If international students get job in Korea, it is going to be a nightmare to Korean job prepare people.” This reasoning framed the expansion not as an economic opportunity but as a potential threat to domestic employment stability, suggesting that the policy could intensify competition in an already challenging job market for young Koreans.
Educational Reasoning in the Canadian Context
Educational reasoning appeared as the second most frequent justification among students supporting Canada’s restriction policy. Supportive essays(n=56) often connected the limitation on international students to the protection of educational quality and classroom management. The underlying logic was that the rapid increase in international students not only strained housing and public resources but also led to a decline in educational standards.
Several students explicitly linked the restriction to quality control in education, especially in private colleges that were perceived to exploit visa demand. Students observed: “Some private Schools were accused of offering low-quality programs only to issue visas, and more of these issues will rise if Canada accepts more international students.” Another recurring theme concerned the impact of large numbers of international students on classroom participation and learning efficiency. Students noted that professors were overwhelmed by excessive enrollment, writing that “Professors afford excessive number of students, they can't care about neither domestic students nor international student.” Others similarly wrote that teachers could not maintain quality when classes became too large, stating that “Teachers want to give high-quality of class to their students. But they can't control such a lot of students including international students.” These essays framed the government’s restriction as a mechanism to preserve academic standards and reaffirm Canada’s reputation for high-quality higher education.
Students also emphasized communicative barriers caused by limited English proficiency, writing that “International students are not good at conversation… Canadian students feel uncomfortable in class. If international students don’t conversation fluently, Canadian students damage for their grade.” Across these accounts, students framed language and participation difficulties as educational challenges rather than social prejudices, reinforcing the view that restricting numbers would help restore class balance and teaching effectiveness.
By contrast, oppositional essays (n=21) employed educational reasoning to defend international students’ role as academic contributors and to challenge the assumption that restriction would automatically improve educational quality. Many students argued that interaction with international peers enhances both academic and personal growth. One student noted that “Canadian students can learn diverse culture, languages, and their life styles,” while another explained that “international students can give Canada students’ knowledge about other cultures and average of other countries’ students.” Others wrote that “they contribute to academic diversity, research and innovation.” Such reasoning reframed international students as agents of academic globalization, turning diversity into a pedagogical asset rather than a problem.
In addition to defending diversity, several students proposed alternative solutions to quality concerns. Rather than restricting enrollment, they emphasized regulation and accountability in the education system. One student suggested, “government let private colleges offer high-quality education and supervise that. If they don't do well, governments can punish them by fine.” This view framed the issue not as a need to reduce international students but as a call for systemic reform, ensuring educational quality through oversight, transparency, and institutional responsibility rather than exclusion.
Educational Reasoning in the Korean Context
Educational reasoning in supportive essays (n=31) highlighted university survival, academic competitiveness, and mutual learning through cultural exchange as primary rationales for supporting Korea’s expansion policy. Many students viewed increasing number of international enrollment as a necessary educational response to demographic decline and the risk of institutional collapse. One student wrote, “Many universities in non-metropolitan areas disappeared. … Korea has to make many non-metropolitan areas’ universities survive by increasing the number of international students.” Others connected the policy to population aging, noting that “universities would aim to host international students. This solves not only aging population problems but also university survival.” Such arguments reflected a structural awareness of how demographic change threatens the sustainability of higher education.
Supportive essays also emphasized academic globalization and educational enrichment. A student claimed that “meeting international students broadens the perspective of national students,” while another wrote that “having many international students means the college have more global good students.” Others noted that “international students bring valuable diversity to the classroom… and engage in research and innovation.” In these accounts, international peers were framed as pedagogical resources that enhance global competence and prepare Korean students for internationalized learning environments.
In contrast, oppositional essays (n=11) expressed concerns about educational fairness, quality dilution, and unequal opportunities for domestic students. Students in this group argued that the expansion policy seems “unjust to many Korean students’ eyes” because “international students can apply for Korean universities with ease,” and that “if there are one Korean student and one international student who have same grade, the international student go better college than Korean student. It is not a fair match.” These perspectives frame the policy as an injustice to hardworking domestic students, invoking a moral discourse of fairness.
Another concern was that overreliance on international enrollment could hinder universities’ independent capacity development. Students warned that “relying on international students too much decreases universities’ capacity development… They should develop themselves by innovative achievement,” and predicted that “increasing the number of international students for university survival cause a reverse effect of a initial goal.” This suggests that universities’ dependence on international recruitment could ultimately undermine academic standards and institutional credibility.
Socio-Cultural Reasoning in the Canadian Context
Socio-cultural reasoning appeared infrequently in essays on Canada’s restriction policy. Among supportive essays (n=9), some acknowledged social tensions caused by excessive diversity. A student wrote, “Since international students come from different culture, Canada’s citizen can feel discomfortable, and Canada’s tradition can be damaged,” and rejected the accusation of racism by claiming that “discomfort from different cultures is not just racism.” Such arguments reflected a desire for cultural balance, maintaining multiculturalism within manageable limits.
By contrast, oppositional essays (n=20) highlighted the social and cultural value of international students, portraying them as agents of diversity and global understanding. Students criticized the policy for undermining Canada’s image as an inclusive and multicultural nation. One student wrote, “Canada is known as an open and multicultural country, so limiting international students damages that image,” and another reinforced this view: “This policy breaks Canada’s value of diversity. People around the world will think Canada is closing its door.” These statements reveal a moral defense of multiculturalism, framing international education as integral to Canada’s national ethos.
Several essays further depicted international students as cultural contributors who enrich Canadian society. Students observed that “international students share their culture, food, and way of thinking. It helps Canadian students learn diversity,” and added, “They help Canadians understand other countries and make society more global.” Across these accounts, students reframed diversity as a social asset rather than a treat, suggesting that inclusion, not restriction, sustains Canada’s multicultural identity.
Socio-Cultural Reasoning in the Korean Context
Socio-cultural reasoning dominated essays supporting Korea’s expansion policy, appearing in 78 of 60 supportive essays. Students articulated multiple types of socio-cultural benefits, often including several within a single essay. The most common theme concerned cultural exchange and mutual understanding between Korean and foreign students. One student stated that “students can learn about new culture. With international students, Korean students teach them our culture and learn their culture.” Another explained that “studying together with students from other countries helps to understand each other’s culture and reduce prejudice.” These arguments framed internationalization as fostering empathy and cross-cultural communication within the education.
Many students also viewed the policy as an opportunity to promote Korean culture globally, noting that “promoting our culture can make our country more popular, and stronger” and “it can promote Korean culture and language.” Such reasoning reflected cultural diplomacy, positioning education as a means to expand Korea’s global presence and soft power.
Others connected the policy to social openness and multicultural development, emphasizing that “young Korean people become used to foreign tradition and tradition of Korea become mix of Korea and other countries.” They further explained that “meeting international students broadens the perspective of national students” and “helps students think more creatively because they will get to know so much variety of opinions.” Collectively, these essays portrayed international students as active agents of cultural interaction and social modernization, contributing to global-mindedness and intercultural competence among Korean youth.
In contrast, oppositional essays (n=7) expressed concerns about cultural misunderstanding and identity dilution, questioning whether Korean society was prepared to accommodate large numbers of foreign students. Students emphasized communication barriers arising from linguistic and cultural differences, noting that “their life style, conversation style and study style are different from other students. It can cause conflict with other students.” Others added, “when team-project with them, they didn’t talk well… Korean students works all of team-project, and they feel bad emotions about international students,” and warned that “their culture is so much different compare with our culture. So there will be a lot trouble.” These statements reveal anxiety over intercultural communication and social adjustment, suggesting that without institutional support and intercultural education, internationalization could generate social friction and emotional distance rather than mutual understanding.
Policy-Oriented Reasoning in the Canadian Context
Policy-oriented reasoning in supportive essays (n=44) centered on the legitimacy of governmental responsibility in managing national issues. Many students justified the restriction policy as a responsible act of governance and a measure to protect citizens and maintain social stability.
Students expressed this clearly: “The government is not blaming international students but solving the problems of housing and healthcare abuses.” The writer framed the government as responsive rather than punitive, acting to resolve systemic problems that had grown uncontrollable. Others praised the policy’s decisiveness, stating that “the new rule can be revolutionary for both Canadians and international students.” These statements portrayed the restriction as evidence of accountable governance prioritizing domestic welfare.
Several essays further grounded this reasoning in national sovereignty and moral responsibility, asserting that “All the nations share a fundamental goal: priority their own people. Canadians deserve their superior rights to those of visitors to their countries.” Limiting international students was thus depicted as a legitimate exercise of the state authority to safeguard national interests. Some even extended this reasoning to moral justification, arguing that “many foreign students occupy Canadian habitat… the policy should be continued by next ten years to save their citizens,” or that “temporary cap can reduce the possibility of crime, which lead to a better life for domestic citizens.” Collectively, these views portrayed the restriction as both a legitimate exercise of sovereign authority and an ethical duty of the state, framing the policy as morally grounded governance aimed at maintaining fairness, order, and citizen welfare.
Policy-oriented reasoning in oppositional essays (n=16) framed Canada’s restriction policy both as a failure of democratic and humanitarian governance and a misdiagnosis of structural issues. Students questioned not only the policy’s effectiveness but also its moral legitimacy, portraying it as inconsistent with Canada’s long-standing values of openness and fairness.
Several students criticized the decision from a democratic and humanitarian perspective, arguing that it undermined fairness and due process. Some students condemned the policy as “a violation of rights for pre-international students who already prepared their lives to study in Canada,” implying that sudden restrictions disregarded the legitimate expectations of those already committed to studying there. Others warned that “this policy will hurt Canada’s image and damage relations with other countries.” These comments suggest that the cap could harm Canada’s international reputation and ethical identity. Another student stated that “many of them want to live and work here, so they are already part of Canadian society,” emphasizing that the government should promote integration rather than exclusion.
Other students also challenged the policy’s rational, arguing that it targeted symptoms rather than addressing underlying causes. One student observed that “it is hard to determine that the reason of inflation problems is international students. … a number of immigrants is more huge than international students,” reframing the policy as misdirected and overly simplistic. Another noted that “while critics contend domestic citizens felt pressure in housing, healthcare and education sectors, I think that international students are not reason of this problem.” These perspectives framed the government’s decision as a misplaced response to complex socioeconomic issues, confusing correlation with causation and neglecting the broader structural factors behind inflation and resource shortage.
Policy-Oriented Reasoning in the Korean Context
Supportive essays (n=22) emphasized strategic governance and proactive planning, framing the Study Korea 300K initiative as a necessary national response to demographic decline rather than a discretionary policy. Many students viewed this measure as essential to sustaining universities and the broader economy. One student stated, “Korea have the low birth rate so students are decreasing and many universities have crisis to close,” while another connected the policy to university survival: “If some universities were shut down, where should students and workers in that universities go? If international students increase, this problem can be solved.” These statements depict the initiative as strategic necessity for sustaining both higher education and the national economic stability.
Another major pattern of reasoning presented internationalization as a practical solution to population aging. Students described demographic decline as a structural threat demanding immediate policy action. One student wrote, “we faced an aging population,” while another argued that “even though Korea not increase the number of international students, Korea can’t sustain our society,” highlighting the urgency of compensating for population loss through international recruitment. Extending this view, another noted that “If policy that increase birth rate is not effective enough, we spent time to non-valued time,” implying that birthrate incentives alone were insufficient and that attracting international students offered a more viable short-term solution.
Oppositional essays (n=7), however, questioned the government’s priorities and readiness to manage such large-scale internationalization. While acknowledging the intent to address demographic decline, these students argued that the policy misplaced national priorities and lacked structural preparation for long-term outcomes. One student asserted, “If the government want our country’s level be higher, not support international students but Korean students,” emphasizing that resources should focus on domestic youth rather than foreign recruitment. Another described the initiative as “an incomplete solution that can’t solve the root problem,” contending that university survival should not depend on temporary inflows of international students. The same writer added, “if money to maintain university and to support international students were used for policies which support marriage and pregnancy, it would bring more positive and long-term effect.” Such reasoning reframes the issue as one of policy misallocation.
A further concern involved the feasibility of balanced reginal development. As one student observed, “International students want to university in Seoul or other metropolitan areas. … Non-metropolitan areas have problem is not solve,” suggesting that the initiative could fail to revitalize regional universities as intended. Oppositional reasoning thus demonstrated critical awareness of policy design and governance capacity. Rather than rejecting international education itself, students questioned the government’s prioritization and structural readiness to ensure sustainable outcomes.
The overall analysis reveals clear contrasts in how students reasoned across the two policy contexts. In essays responding to Canada’s restriction policy, economic reasoning was most prevalent, appearing in 91% of supportive and 97% of oppositional essays. Supportive essays largely framed international students as economic burdens linked to housing, healthcare, and infrastructure strain, whereas oppositional essays reversed this view, emphasizing their financial contributions to Canada’s prosperity. Educational reasoning also featured prominently, occurring in 84% of supportive and 60% of oppositional essays, where students discussed academic quality control and the commercialization of higher education. Socio-cultural reasoning appeared less frequently, found in 13% of supportive and 57% of oppositional essays, typically challenging the restriction as inconsistent with Canada’s multicultural values.
By contrast, essays on Korea’s expansion initiative displayed a different distribution of reasoning. Socio-cultural reasoning dominated supportive essays (130% occurrence rate, reflecting multiple arguments per essay), highlighting cultural exchange, national prestige, and soft power development as key benefits of internationalization. Educational reasoning appeared in 52% of supportive and 85% of oppositional essays, expressing both the academic potential of diversity and concerns about fairness or declining standards. Economic reasoning was found in 58% of supportive and 38% of oppositional essays, focusing on university sustainability rather than resource scarcity.
Taken together, these patterns demonstrate that students adapted their reasoning according to each policy orientation, restriction versus expansion, and each country’s socio-political context. Their arguments reflected context-sensitive interpretation, revealing how learners aligned their evaluative frameworks and rhetorical choices with their understanding of each policy’s aims and implications.
Discussion
This study demonstrates that Korean university students’ argumentative reasoning in English is highly context-dependent, reflecting how L2 writing operates as both a linguistic and a social practice. When writing about Canada’s restriction policy, students predominantly employed economic and educational reasoning, emphasizing housing shortages, financial strain, and quality protection. In contrast, when writing about Korea’s expansion policy, they drew on socio-cultural reasoning, framing internationalization as a source of cultural exchange, soft power, and global visibility. These findings confirm Hyland’s (2019) view that academic writing is a social act of meaning-making rather than a neutral skill performance, revealing how learners interpret complex issues through contextually grounded reasoning.
By focusing on reasoning content rather than surface features, the findings extend prior studies of L2 argumentation (Qin & Karabacak, 2010; Liu & Stapleton, 2014; Stapleton & Wu, 2015). While Toulmin’s structural analysis illuminates argumentative competence through the presence of claims, warrants, and rebuttals, it may not capture what values students prioritize, how they interpret policy contexts, or what social judgments underlie their positions (Hirvela, 2017; Nussbaum, 2008). The present study therefore complements structure-focused research by examining the ideological and interpretive substance of L2 argumentation, revealing how learners engage with authentic policy debates as both linguistic and social actors. Students’ ability to shift reasoning strategies across policy contexts indicates that they were not simply reproducing memorized templates (Lancaster, 2016) but engaging in situated interpretation of real-world problems. Their writing thus aligns with Hirvela’s (2017) call for research that attends to the cognitive and social dimensions of L2 argumentation, where reasoning reveals how learners think, not just how they write. While prior literature, notably Qin and Karabacak (2010), determined that the presence of secondary argumentative elements, such as counterargument claims, counterargument data, rebuttal claims, and rebuttal data, were significant predictors of overall essay quality, this study centered its analysis on the ideological substance of the students' reasoning (i.e., what values they prioritized) rather than the frequency or quality of these structural components. This focus highlights the significance of reasoning coherence and warrants over structural completeness, positioning the study within a content-focused inquiry.
These reasoning patterns also highlight the interplay between critical thinking and contextual framing. Consistent with Atkinson’s (1997) and Kuhn’s (1991) theories of reasoning as culturally situated and dialogic, students displayed critical engagement when tasks provided authentic, meaningful issues. The contrast between the two policy contexts supports Johns’ (2015) argument that authenticity enhances argumentative depth by requiring learners to reason through competing stakeholder perspectives. When the issue involved a domestic policy, reasoning extended to identity and social transformation; when it involved a foreign case, reasoning focused on pragmatic evaluation. This adaptive reasoning suggests that L2 learners are capable of critical thought when given conceptually rich contexts (Wette, 2017).
The study also underscores the powerful influence of task framing on L2 reasoning. Critically, the background materials provided to students explicitly framed the two policies in contrasting ways: Canada's policy was presented as a crisis-driven response to housing shortages, inflation, and quality concerns, while Korea's policy was framed as a strategic developmental opportunity addressing demographic decline and global competitiveness. Students’ essays mirrored these framings, supporting Entman’s (1993) and Lakoff’s (2004) theories that issue framing guides what arguments appear relevant or legitimate. The near-perfect alignment between textual framing and reasoning type indicates that learners’ argumentation was not random but cognitively organized around problem–solution versus aspiration–realization logics. This close adherence raises a crucial tension: Did students merely reproduce the given frame, or did they engage critically within the constraints of the frame? While the framing inevitably constrained the range of available reasoning (Wette, 2017), the diversity of arguments generated within each frame (e.g., opposing Canada’s policy by citing economic benefits and reframing international students as contributors) suggests students engaged in an interpretive act, selectively appropriating the presented frames to articulate their own principled stances, thus demonstrating critical engagement through situated reasoning rather than simple mirroring. This finding echoes Wette’s (2017) caution that background information in writing tasks both enables and constrains reasoning, shaping the interpretive range available to learners.
A further insight concerns writer positionality. When addressing Canada’s restriction policy, students wrote as external observers, often recognizing Canada’s sovereign right to regulate international education while evaluating its efficiency and fairness. In contrast, when writing about Korea’s expansion policy, they wrote as insiders, using collective pronouns and appealing to national goals such as modernization and global competitiveness. This distinction supports Nussbaum’s (2008) claim that argumentation depends on perspective-taking: insider positioning fosters value-oriented and identity-related reasoning, while outsider positioning encourages analytic detachment. Yet, as You (2018) argues, such patterns should not be read as cultural essentialism but as responses to learners’ social roles and educational experiences within evolving discourse practices.
Ultimately, these findings reinforce Hyland’s (2005, 2019) conception of L2 academic writing as a socially and rhetorically situated process. The students’ essays did not merely display structural competence but revealed how they understand governance, globalization, and Korea’s role in the international education landscape. Their reasoning patterns, which are economic rationality for external contexts and socio-cultural idealism for domestic contexts, reflect how L2 writing can serve as a medium for expressing civic awareness and social values.
From a pedagogical perspective, the study supports critical EAP approaches (Benesch, 2001; Flowerdew, 2017; Johns, 2015) that view writing as a site of inquiry rather than formulaic production. The observed context-dependent reasoning supports the conceptual shift advocated by Hirvela (2017) from ‘learning to argue’ (focusing on acquiring the structural architecture of claims, data, and rebuttals) toward ‘arguing to learn’ (using argument as a tool for deeper understanding and analysis). When learners engage with authentic, socially meaningful issues, they are not only developing structural argumentation skills (learning to argue) but are also practicing civic reasoning, using English to analyze, evaluate, and reimagine real-world problems and interpret social values. L2 writing instruction, therefore, should move beyond structural mastery toward cultivating critical literacy: the ability to recognize how issues are framed, assess multiple perspectives, and reason ethically within global contexts.
Conclusion
The core conclusion of this study is that Korean university students’ argumentative reasoning in English is highly context-dependent, reflecting how L2 writing operates as both a linguistic and a social practice. The findings demonstrate that students’ reasoning patterns were context-sensitive and interpretive, showing how learners perceive each policy’s goals, constraints, and moral implications. Empirically, the analysis revealed a systematic contrast: when addressing Canada’s restriction policy, students predominantly employed economic and educational reasoning; conversely, when addressing Korea’s expansion policy, they drew heavily on socio-cultural reasoning. This divergence confirms Hyland’s (2019) view that academic writing is a social act of meaning-making and supports the perspective that L2 academic writing is a situated form of reasoning. By focusing on reasoning content rather than mere surface features, the study aligns with Hirvela’s (2017) call for research that attends to the cognitive and social dimensions of L2 argumentation, where reasoning reveals how learners think, not just how they write. This ultimately contributes to research linking argumentation, critical thinking, and social cognition in L2 contexts.
Several limitations should be acknowledged. First, participants’ proficiency ranged from low-intermediate to upper-intermediate, meaning linguistic constraints may have affected some students’ ability to fully articulate their reasoning, though research suggests proficiency and critical thinking are distinct constructs (Floyd, 2011; Stapleton, 2001). It is also notable that the background information provided to students explicitly framed the two policies in contrasting ways: Canada’s as crisis-driven and Korea’s as opportunity-driven, which likely shaped the types of reasoning students employed. While pedagogically necessary to ensure meaningful engagement within a timed writing context, this asymmetric framing may have constrained students’ interpretive range, making certain arguments (e.g., economic concerns for Canada, cultural benefits for Korea) appear more salient or legitimate than others. Moreover, generalizability is limited, as participants were homogeneous Korean undergraduates from a single institution. Crucially, while prior research based on the Toulmin model (1958) demonstrated that secondary elements such as counterarguments are significant predictors of argumentative quality, this study centered its analysis on the ideological substance of reasoning and did not fully analyze the sophistication of argumentative structure.
Despite these limitations, the findings carry several implications. Pedagogically, the study supports critical EAP approaches, suggesting that authentic, contextualized prompts grounded in real policy debates elicit deeper reasoning and self-positioning. The observed context-dependent reasoning supports the conceptual shift advocated by Hirvela (2017) from ‘learning to argue’ toward ‘arguing to learn,’ highlighting that L2 writers practice civic reasoning and social engagement. The divergence in reasoning patterns also underscores the value of comparative task design to promote metacognitive insight into how context shapes argumentation. For assessment, the study suggests evaluating reasoning quality as distinct from linguistic accuracy, while recognizing that structural elements such as counterarguments remain important predictors of essay quality. Future research should pursue cross-institutional and longitudinal studies to investigate how argumentative reasoning evolves over time. Ultimately, understanding L2 argumentative writing as simultaneously linguistic practice, cognitive activity, and social engagement suggests that instruction must move beyond teaching structure to cultivating the ability to reason critically about authentic issues.
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