Bridges of Faith and Community: The Role of Korean Immigrant Churches in Newcomer Integration in Montreal, Canada
Received: 2025-04-15 ; Accepted: 2025-05-25
Published Online: 2025-06-30
Abstract
This study explores the roles of Korean immigrant churches in Montreal, Canada in supporting the integration and settlement of newly arrived Korean immigrants. Using a qualitative methodology based on semi-structured interviews with 17 first-generation immigrant adults, the research investigates perceptions of the responsibilities and practical functions of the church beyond its spiritual guidance. Findings of the study reveal that Korean immigrant churches serve as vital hubs of emotional, informational, and social support. Participants emphasized the importance of churches offering settlement-related help, such as navigating bureaucratic systems, supporting language acquisition, and promoting emotional resilience. However, views varied on whether such support should be a formal institutional responsibility or an informal extension of church fellowship. The study also highlights the synergistic potential of collaboration between churches and non-religious Korean community organizations, such as the Association of Koreans in Montreal, employment centers, and cultural groups, to support integration. It emphasizes the need for government cooperation with ethnic institutions, especially within the complex linguistic landscape of Quebec under Bill 96. This research offers critical insights into the lived experiences of Korean newcomers in Montreal, Quebec and recommends policy frameworks that leverage both faith-based and community-based infrastructures to enhance immigrant settlement outcomes.
본문
Introduction
This study aims to examine the roles played by Korean immigrant churches, which make up a significant part of the Korean immigrant community, in supporting new immigrants’ settlement, their perceptions of the process, and potential cooperation strategies with local communities and municipal governments.
The role of immigrant churches in the lives and adaptation of immigrants in a new society has been extensively studied by many scholars (e.g., Ley, 2008; Park, 2011, 2018, 2022, 2024). In particular, the role of Korean immigrant churches in the United States has been actively researched. According to Min (1992), Korean immigrant churches in the U.S. play four key roles: they provide a space for connection and emotional support, offer practical assistance and resources, grant roles or titles to enhance social status, and create opportunities to preserve the Korean language and traditions. Moreover, unlike alumni or regional associations, these churches do not impose special conditions for participation, allowing anyone to join freely (Yoo, 1999). Similarly, Korean immigrant churches in Canada have also functioned as places for information sharing and for maintaining language and culture ( Ley, 2008; Park, 2011, 2018).
However, most existing studies have been conducted in the U.S., and systematic research in Canada is rare. Where such research exists, it tends to focus narrowly on the maintenance of the Korean language and culture among second-generation Korean Canadians (Jeon, 2010). Previous research has also focused mainly on first-generation immigrants who settled long ago and second-generation individuals who immigrated at a young age or were born locally. In contrast to European immigrant churches in North America, where new immigration has significantly declined, Korean immigration remains ongoing and has recently increased rapidly. Therefore, research on the role of Korean immigrant churches in the settlement of newly arrived immigrants is both timely and meaningful.
This study focuses specifically on the role of Korean immigrant churches for adult newcomers who have arrived in the past five years. While previous studies have highlighted the social, linguistic, and cultural roles of these churches, they have often done so in a fragmented manner. This study seeks to analyze more comprehensively the overall functions of Korean immigrant churches, how new immigrants perceive these roles, and how churches have responded and adapted to their needs and circumstances. In other words, this study goes beyond the existing research on mother tongue and identity maintenance for second-generation immigrants and examines the social and religious roles of Korean churches in supporting the stable settlement of new immigrants.
The geographical focus of this study is Montreal, a major multicultural city in the eastern province of Quebec, Canada. In fact, Montreal, Quebec, is known to have the highest population of people fluent in three or more languages among North American cities (Lamarre & Paredes, 2003; Maguire, 2010). Within this multilingual and multicultural setting, social integration for new immigrants demands considerable effort. Unlike in other Canadian provinces, newcomers to Quebec must acquire both English (a federal official language) and French (the provincial official language), which complicates the settlement process.
In this context, analyzing the roles played by Korean immigrant churches, where many Korean newcomers participate, and immigrants’ perceptions of these churches is crucial to supporting their successful integration and adaptation to the new society.
Research Context and Background
Theoretical Framework
This study adopts the theoretical framework of faith-based social support and lived religion. Faith-based social support integrates the institutional support provided by religious communities with the personal practice of faith in daily life, encompassing emotional, spiritual, and material assistance (Jahani & Parayandeh, 2024). Lived religion, in turn, examines how individuals express their faith through relationships, routines, and community ties beyond formal institutions (Ammerman, 2015). These viewpoints show how religion functions both as a faith-based support network and as a dynamic force shaped by individual experiences and societal context (Ammerman, 2015; Jahani & Parayandeh, 2024).
Immigrant churches serve as vital hubs of social connection and cultural preservation rather than being solely religious places of worship, particularly for immigrants facing difficulties integrating into the host society (Cadge & Ecklund, 2006).
Beyond their role as resource centers, these churches serve as safe havens during periods of immigration related uncertainties. Newly arrived immigrants often rely on them for psychological and emotional stability, particularly when facing linguistic challenges, bureaucratic pressures, and social isolation. Through spiritual care, mutual support, and the shared familiarity of cultural practices, immigrant churches provide a space of comfort, reinforcing Cadge and Ecklund’s (2006) claim that religious involvement increases when immigrants face difficulties integrating into the host society.
Furthermore, the symbolic role of immigrant churches shows how they maintain cultural identity by offering traditional rituals, services in heritage languages, and social gatherings within the same ethnic community. In a diasporic context, these practices help new immigrants maintain their connection to their heritage culture, language, and identity. In particular, the pressures introduced by Bill 96 in Quebec (National Assembly of Québec, 2022), which enforces French-language adaptation and may marginalize non-Francophone immigrant communities, further reinforce this symbolic function by positioning churches as protective spaces where cultural identity can be preserved despite external linguistic and social changes.
Overall, this study highlights how Korean immigrant churches in Montreal function beyond religious spaces, shaping community resources, emotional well-being, and cultural maintenance.
Multilingual and Multicultural Contexts of Contemporary Canada
According to the 2021 census data, linguistic and cultural demographics in Canada have undergone significant transformation according to the 2021 census data, and thus the immigration population has reached a notable milestone, with 8.3 million individuals (23.0% of the total population) holding landed immigrant or permanent resident status in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2023b).
Linguistic diversity has similarly expanded, with 41.2% of Canadians demonstrating conversational ability in multiple languages, which is an increase from 39.0% in 2016 (Statistics Canada, 2023b). Regarding Canada’s recent linguistic landscape reflecting the country's increasing diversity, nearly 3 in 10 Canadians (10.7 million people) could converse in a non-official language while 98% of Canadians knew at least one of the country's two official languages (English and French) (Statistics Canada, 2025b). This marks a substantial increase from 2001 when 21.8% of the population spoke a non-official language. The rise in linguistic diversity coincides with the growth of immigrants in Canada who speak non-official languages, increasing from 4.9 million in 2001 to 6.7 million in 2021. Moreover, the number of people with a mother tongue other than English or French has grown from 11.8% of the population in 1951 to 23.2% in 2021.
The linguistic diversity of Canada encompasses over 200 immigrant languages spoken as mother tongues. Among these, Mandarin leads with 679,000 speakers, followed by Punjabi (i.e., 667,000 speakers), Cantonese (i.e., 553,000 speakers), and Spanish (i.e., 539,000 speakers) (Statistics Canada, 2023b). The household patterns also show this diversity, with 21.0% of Canadian households (exceeding 3.1 million) classified as multilingual along with 4.6 million Canadians (12.7%) who primarily use a non-official language, which is a language other than two official languages (i.e., English & French) (Statistics Canada, 2023b). The populations from East and Southeast Asian communities contribute significantly to this demographic diversity, with approximately 3.4 million individuals reporting full or partial ethnic background from these regions. Among them, the Chinese community represents the largest group at 1.7 million, followed by Filipino (i.e., 925,490 people), Vietnamese (i.e., 275,530 people), and Korean (i.e., 217,650 people) populations (Statistics Canada, 2024a).
The use of non-official languages extends beyond home environments into the workplace (Statistics Canada, 2025b). In 2021, approximately 1 in 25 workers in Canada used a language other than English or French at work, totaling nearly 670,000 people. Of these, 546,000 used English or French alongside a non-official language, while over 123,000 used only a non-official language. The prevalence of specific non-official languages varied by sector, with languages like Cantonese, Vietnamese, and Korean being more common in the accommodation and food services sector, while Spanish, Russian, Persian, and Bengali were more frequently used in professional, scientific, and technical services. This linguistic diversity in the workplace further underscores Canada's evolving multicultural and multilingual character.
About the Province of Quebec, the province presents distinct linguistic patterns within the national context. While its proportion of multilingual households (18.3%) falls slightly below the national average, the province ranks second nationally in households using three or more languages (5.4%), with only Ontario having more multilingual households (5.7%) (Statistics Canada, 2023b).
Concerning the Montreal area, which is the largest city of the province, the city stands out for its linguistic complexity. In fact, over 80% of people in Montreal can communicate in at least three languages (i.e., English, French, & their ethnic languages) ( Maguire, 2010), which makes the city the most multilingual area with “the highest percentage of trilinguals in Canada” (Lamarre & Paredes, 2003, p. 64). As such, the metropolitan area of Montreal demonstrates exceptional rates of multilingualism among its workforce, with 80% of workers possessing at least bilingual capability (i.e., 69% specifically in English-French bilingualism) and 28% demonstrating proficiency in three or more languages which substantially exceeds those of other major Canadian urban centers (Statistics Canada, 2023a).
Major Language Events Regarding Official Languages in Canada and in the Province of Quebec
At the federal level, Canada recognizes both English and French as official languages with equal status, rights, and privileges in federal government institutions, as established by the 1969 Official Languages Act, which declared French and English to be Canada's official languages and it also declared their equality of status as well as equal rights and privileges with regard to their use in all institutions of Parliament and the Government of Canada (Government of Canada, 2023).
While provinces can choose their own official language(s), Quebec stands unique as the only province to designate French as its sole official language through Bill 22 (i.e., Quebec’s Official Language Act) and Bill 101 (i.e., the Charter of the French Language) (National Assembly of Québec, 2024; Office of the Commissioner of Official Languages, 2022). Bill 22 passed 1974 made French the only official language in the province of Quebec. In 1977, Bill 101 was enacted in Quebec, empowering French language protections by establishing French as the official language of Quebec’s legislature and courts, making French the primary language of business, education, and public services, regulating English-language education access, and setting rules for commercial signage in French (National Assembly of Québec, 2024; Office of the Commissioner of Official Languages, 2022).
Bill 96, officially known as “An Act respecting French, the official and common language of Québec,” was passed by Québec’s National Assembly in June 2022 (National Assembly of Québec, 2022). This legislation amends the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101) and aims to protect and strengthen French as the official language within the province. Key aspects of Bill 96 (National Assembly of Québec, 2022) affect multiple sectors. In business, the legislation extends francization requirements to smaller businesses with 25-49 employees, matching rules previously applied only to larger companies. Under the bill, public contracts must be written exclusively in French. In education, the bill implements enrollment caps for English-language colleges, restricting English-language student numbers to 17.5% of the French-language student population. Regarding immigration, newcomers are required to learn French within six months of arrival to access most government services in the province. During their first six months in Quebec, immigrants may communicate in languages other than French with hospitals, school service centers (previously known as school boards), and government bodies. However, after this six-month period, these institutions must communicate with them in French. Overall. these measures aim to preserve and promote the use of French in various aspects of Québec society, including government, business, education, and social life. While Bill 96 is supported by French speakers (77%), the bill faced opposition from English speakers (95%) and allophones whose first language is neither English nor French (67%). Though passed decisively, critics argue that addressing fundamental issues like low French-speaker birth rates might better preserve Quebec's linguistic character than language restrictions (Rocher, 2023).
Bill 96’s language requirements, though not specifically targeting Korean immigrants, may discourage Korean and other non-French-speaking immigrants from choosing Quebec as their destination or remaining in the province.
Korean Immigrants in Canada
Recent Korean immigrants in Canada, Province of Quebec, and Montreal
As of 2024, the total population of Canada is 41,465,298, with 9,100,249 in Quebec (Statistics Canada, 2024b). According to Statistics Canada in 2025, the urban population in Canada has experienced significant growth, with the total population of its 41 census metropolitan areas (CMAs) reaching 30,893,239 people on July 1, 2024 (Statistics Canada, 2025a). International migration has been the primary driver of this growth, contributing to increased urbanization, with 74.8% of Canadians now living in CMAs. The three largest CMAs (i.e., Toronto, Vancouver, & Montreal) have seen remarkable expansion. The population of Toronto population surpassed 7 million, growing by 268,911 people (i.e., +3.9%) in a single year. Vancouver added over 127,000 people (i.e., +4.2%), exceeding 3 million residents, while Montreal grew by nearly 132,000 people (i.e., +2.9%), reaching over 4.5 million.
According to recent data (Statistics Canada, 2022), the Korean immigrant population in Canada originating from South Korea totals 138,355, with the majority concentrated in three provinces: Ontario (62,750), British Columbia (47,520), and Quebec (5,180), primarily settling in major urban centers such as Toronto (48,770), Vancouver (42,090), and Montreal (4,640). In 2021, 85% of the Korean population in Canada were born outside Canada, with 14% born in Canada to at least one parent born outside Canada, and 2% born in Canada to Canadian-born parents (Statistics Canada, 2025c).
Overview of recent Korean ethnic communities in Canada, Province of Quebec,and Montreal
Korean immigrant communities in Canada have grown significantly since the 1960s. The majority of Korean immigrants have settled in major cities such as Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal. Korean immigrants have established a distinct cultural identity within Canadian society, maintaining their heritage language and culture through local ethnic institutions such as Korean immigrant religious institutions, Korean language schools, and business networks. Many Korean immigrants are skilled workers or professionals, contributing to the economic growth of Canada in various sectors (Bai et al., 2019). In Quebec, the Korean immigrant community is smaller compared to other provinces, with 5,180 Korean immigrants recorded in the province while Montreal, as the largest city in Quebec, is home to 4,640 Korean immigrants (Statistics Canada, 2022).
While specific data on Korean religious communities in the province of Quebec is limited, the trend of Korean immigrants establishing immigrant churches is likely present in the province as well. Korean churches in Canada have historically played a crucial role in supporting new immigrants, providing not only religious services but also assistance with settlement, language acquisition, and social networking (Bai et al., 2019; Park, 2022, 2024).
Korean immigrant churches in Montreal, like in other Canadian cities, serve as central institutions for the Korean community. These churches often function as more than just places of worship. They are hubs for cultural preservation, community support, and social gatherings. The first Korean church in Canada was established in Vancouver in 1965, and similar institutions have since spread across the country, including Montreal (Bai et al., 2019). These churches help Korean immigrants maintain their cultural identity while adapting to Canadian society, offering services in Korean and organizing various community activities. However, it is important to note that while churches play a significant role, they are not the only religious or community organizations serving Korean immigrants in Montreal, since they maintain their language and cultural identity through a variety of organizations, including local cultural associations, university alumni, language schools for younger generations, and business associations (Bai et al., 2019; Park, 2022, 2024).
Several prominent Canadian universities have established Korean studies programs that serve both the Korean immigrant population and other Canadians, fostering academic engagement with Korean culture and promoting exchange opportunities (Bai et al., 2019). Universities such as the University of Toronto, the University of British Columbia, York University, and McGill University, contribute to the field of Korean studies in Canada. These academic efforts, combined with community-based organizations, play a crucial role in preserving and promoting Korean language and culture within Canadian society while encouraging cultural understanding among all Canadians (Bai et al., 2019).
Korean immigrant churches in Montreal
According to the most recent data, there were 4,454 Korean churches in the United States (Seo, 2018) as of 2018. In other countries outside the U.S., 1,693 Korean churches were counted. Korean churches serving Korean diaspora communities worldwide total 6,147, with North America dominating this landscape. The United States and Canada together host 4,937 Korean churches, making up 80% of all Korean immigrant churches globally. Canada specifically has 483 churches, while other notable concentrations are found in Japan with 231 churches, Australia with 205 churches, and various European countries including Germany with 138 churches and the United Kingdom with 73 churches. Several Latin American nations also have significant Korean church presence, with Brazil and Argentina having 60 and 53 churches respectively. New Zealand maintains 37 Korean churches, while Mexico and France have smaller but notable numbers at 27 and 25 churches respectively (Seo, 2018). Specifically in Montreal, there are 15 Korean immigrant churches including one Korean Catholic church in 2025 (Hanca, n.d.).
The Role of Immigrant Churches in Immigrant Integration and Settlement
Research shows that immigrant churches play a dual role in host societies, serving both religious and practical purposes for immigrant integration.
Ambrosini et al. (2021) studied six Christian migrant congregations in Milan, Italy, finding that these religious communities offer protection, belonging, and support that help immigrants develop a sense of belonging while adapting to their new environment. These churches function as social and cultural hubs providing socialization, welfare services, family activities, and moral guidance. Engaging in religious activities fosters social connections, providing immigrants with a supportive community that alleviates isolation and helps them navigate cultural transitions with a sense of purpose. The research questions the notion that integration necessitates the abandonment of cultural traditions, instead demonstrating that religious communities play a crucial role in facilitating adaptation while preserving cultural identities. However, certain obstacles remain, such as integration occurring within distinct racial and ethnic groups and the challenge of transmitting religious values to younger generations.
Tsang (2015) explores the role of a Chinese Christian Church in Jamaica in supporting the settlement of Chinese immigrants through a qualitative analysis of its history, functions, and influence. The findings of the study reveal that the church offers a sense of security by fostering a strong community and serving as an extended family for newcomers. It also acts as a hub for social connections, assisting immigrants in finding job opportunities, accessing vital services, and securing housing. This study highlights the distinctive function of the church in providing worship services for non-English-speaking immigrants and creating an inclusive space, particularly in the absence of government settlement programs. The findings put an emphasis on the significant contribution of immigrant churches in facilitating immigrant integration, especially in contexts where formal support structures are unavailable.
In North America, scholars such as Park (2018, 2022) and Kang (2017) highlight that immigrant churches extend their influence beyond religious functions, serving as key institutions that support immigrants in adjusting to and integrating into society.
The qualitative research on 23 Korean immigrant youth in Canada (Park, 2022) identified two main influences on preserving their heritage language and cultural heritage: the continuous arrival of Korean students and the presence of Korean ethnic communities, with churches playing a central role. Similarly, another study conducted by Park in 2018 based on interviews with 17 Korean immigrant parents in Canada, supported the idea that immigrant families and ethnic communities, particularly churches, support the language development of second-generation Korean immigrants.
In the United States, Kang (2017) explored the role of immigrant churches in the ethnic socialization of Korean American youth through interviews with 23 young Korean American adults. The study found that these churches are essential social spaces for fostering co-ethnic peer and family bonds. They also act as agents of cultural transmission, promoting socialization, sharing immigrant stories, and strengthening the co-ethnic community. Kang highlights the importance of further research on the social environments unique to the children of immigrants.
The research collectively shows that immigrant churches play a significant role beyond their religious purpose, functioning as vital institutions for preserving culture, fostering social connections, and supporting integration in host societies.
Research Method
This study explores the role of Korean immigrant churches in Montreal in supporting the settlement of newly arrived immigrants. The churches’ contributions to social integration encompass linguistic, cultural, social, and religious aspects. To investigate this, a qualitative research methodology was employed since qualitative research facilitates an in-depth understanding of individuals’ lived experiences and behaviors in natural, real-world settings (Johnson & Christensen, 2004). Therefore, semi-structured qualitative interviews served as the primary research tool.
Research Context
The research site consisted of a Korean immigrant congregation in Montreal, comprising approximately 180 to 200 members. The membership size and organizational structure of the selected congregation are consistent with typical conditions observed in Korean immigrant churches, suggesting its suitability as a research site. While this church cannot be definitively characterized as the most representative Korean immigrant church in Montreal, it does not exhibit any unusual characteristics that would set it apart from other similar Korean immigrant religious institutions in the area. This suggests that the selected church can serve as a reasonable representation of Korean immigrant churches in the area for research purposes, and its members may provide insights into the broader Korean immigrant community. Data collection for the study was carried out over one month period.
Data Collection and Analysis
This study was conducted over the course of one month within a Korean immigrant church located in the Montreal area. The primary and sole research method employed was individual, one-on-one interviews utilizing a semi-structured format. All interviews were carried out in Korean and supplemented by a questionnaire designed to gather demographic information from participants. The duration of the interviews was between 20 and 30 minutes. The questionnaire and interview protocols were designed to explore a broad spectrum of perspectives held by newly arrived Korean immigrants regarding their settlement and integration experiences in Canada. The central questions and thematic areas focused on the perceived role of Korean immigrant churches in facilitating the integration and settlement process of newcomers, the contributions of other Korean immigrant communities and organizations, excluding religious institutions, in supporting the settlement journey of recent arrivals, and the extent and nature of collaboration between Korean immigrant churches and non-religious Korean community organizations within Montreal's multilingual and multicultural context. In addition, the instruments collected demographic information from participants, including self-reported levels of proficiency in the two official languages of Canada, English and French, as well as in the sole official language of Quebec, French. This linguistic component is particularly relevant given the distinct sociolinguistic environment of Quebec, which places a strong emphasis on French language acquisition and usage for successful integration. The recorded interviews were fully transcribed for analysis.
For data analysis, this study employed a qualitative approach that relied on inductive methods. The analysis emphasized the use of participants’ own words, and the interpretation of meaning conveyed through their actual language to enhance the trustworthiness and authenticity of the data (Denzin et al., 2023; Seidman, 1991). An interpretive and descriptive analysis framework was used to accurately capture the data while creating a representation of reality that participants themselves would find authentic (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). While the analysis was mainly inductive in nature, it incorporated some pre-established categories derived from the interview questions. Additional subcategories naturally developed from patterns that repeatedly appeared in the data. The initial categories were applied only when the data clearly aligned with them. When content fell outside this original structure, new categories were developed to capture it. This process involved segmenting the data into significant components, and constructing appropriate categories based on these elements (Johnson & Christensen, 2004). The analysis concluded with a systematic organization of the data using both predefined and newly generated categories, following an iterative process to address the objectives and research questions of the study (Johnson & Christensen, 2004; Maykut & Morehouse, 1994).
Research Participants
Seventeen Korean immigrant parents residing in Montreal and attending Korean churches participated in this study. All participants had lived in Montreal for less than five years and were selected based on the criterion that they had at least one child. They were recruited through purposeful sampling (Patton, 1990, p. 169), ensuring that participants met criteria directly aligned with the objectives of the study (Johnson & Christensen, 2004). The reason for selecting parents who had been in Canada for less than five years and had at least one child was to examine the perspectives of newly immigrated parents on the role of Korean immigrant churches in supporting their social integration into Canadian society and their children’s heritage language maintenance within the church context. Montreal was the first settlement location for all participants, with an average duration of residence in Canada and Montreal of 3.76 years (SD = 1.30). The participants had an average of 2.22 children (SD = 0.55), with the average age of children being 8.75 years (SD = 3.69). Of the 18 participants (11 fathers & 7 mothers), the mean age was 42.11 years (SD = 5.25). Notably, four participants had no prior experience attending church in Korea and began participating in Korean churches only after immigrating to Montreal. On average, participants had been involved in Korean church communities in Montreal for 3.11 years (SD = 1.45).
Among the 17 participants, only two reported that their children were enrolled in English-language schools, while the remaining 15 indicated that their children attended French-language schools. The two cases of English-language schooling were attributed to the parents’ temporary residence in Canada for purposes such as study or employment, which allowed for exemptions to Quebec's language education policies. Due to the enactment of Bill 101, which designates French as the principal language of instruction from kindergarten through secondary education in Quebec, all immigrant students are required to attend French-language instruction in public or government-subsidized private schools (Ministère de l’Éducation, 2025). Regarding language use at home, all 17 participants confirmed that Korean was the primary language spoken within the household. In Quebec, immigrant students must meet strict eligibility criteria to access English-language education in public or government-subsidized private schools, requiring the issuance of a Certificate of Eligibility (Ministère de l'Éducation, 2025). Temporary authorization to attend English-language schools may be granted to children whose parents are in Quebec on a temporary basis, such as those holding work or study permits under the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (Ministère de l'Éducation, 2025).
From an ethical standpoint, participants were guaranteed the confidentiality of their real names. Distinct codes are assigned to identify the participants (e.g., PF represents Participant Father, while PM denotes Participant Mother). Those who took part in interviews were informed that no identifiable information about them or any incidents would be disclosed. In addition, it was emphasized that any remarks made during the study would not be shared, either orally or in written form, in a manner that could potentially identify individuals or events. The researcher also clarified that participation was entirely voluntary and that participants retained the right to withdraw from the study at any time.
Findings
Participants’ Proficiency in French and English
To examine the relationship between participants’ proficiency in French and English, they were asked to self-assess their language abilities using a 7-point scale, with 7 indicating a high level of fluency (see Table 1).
| French | Comprehension | Speaking | Reading | Writing |
| Mean | 2.35 | 2.18 | 2.65 | 2.29 |
| SD | 1.58 | 1.33 | 1.50 | 1.31 |
| French | Comprehension | Speaking | Reading | Writing |
| Mean | 3.82 | 3.35 | 4.06 | 3.71 |
| SD | 1.51 | 1.50 | 1.34 | 1.40 |
The findings indicate that participants generally reported lower proficiency in French compared to English. Moreover, the comparable standard deviations for both languages suggest limited variability in self-reported proficiency levels across the two languages.
This finding can be interpreted considering the participants’ prior language learning experiences. In South Korea, formal English education has typically begun in the third grade of elementary school since 1997; prior to that, English was introduced as a mandatory subject at the secondary level (Shin & Shim, 2011). English instruction then continues throughout secondary and post-secondary education. As a result, many adult Korean immigrants arrive in Canada with at least a basic foundation in English, although their levels of proficiency may vary. In contrast, French is not widely taught or used in Korea outside of specialized educational or professional contexts. Therefore, for most Korean immigrants, meaningful exposure to French begins only after their arrival in Montreal. Consequently, their proficiency in French tends to be significantly lower than in English, reflecting both the limited opportunities to acquire the language prior to immigration and the relatively recent and context-specific nature of their engagement with it in Quebec.
The Role of a Korean Immigrant Church for Newly Arrived Korean Immigrants’ Integration and Settlement in Canada
First, participants were asked whether they believed that Korean immigrant churches have a responsibility and role in supporting the settlement of new immigrants in Canadian society. They were also asked to indicate the level of importance they placed on this issue using a 7-point Likert scale, where 1 indicated least important and 7 indicated most important. The participants’ responses yielded a mean score of 5.50 (SD = 1.20), suggesting that the majority of immigrant adults believed that Korean immigrant churches should play a role in facilitating newcomers’ settlement. The findings indicate that most participants view the church not as a for-profit institution, but as a community resource. They believe that when church members are well-established and have the means to support others, it is important for them to extend help to newcomers particularly in areas such as job searching, obtaining permanent residency, legal and tax consultation, and supporting children's education. Sharing this type of practical information is considered highly beneficial.
I think Korean immigrant churches should really focus on providing things like support services and educational opportunities for people settling in Canada and also help bridge communication with the mainstream society. (PM3)
I see efforts to support newcomers as being closely tied to the growth of the church. Of course, the ultimate goal of the church is not just about numbers, but if we are aiming for healthy growth, the church has a big responsibility to support the immigrant community. That includes helping children with their identity and language, offering helpful information for smooth settlement, creating spaces where immigrants can connect and share their lives, and partnering with local or multicultural communities. (PF3)
It would be great if the church could also deal with things that help in everyday life such as building community, language education, legal and tax consultations, that kind of thing. (PF1)
In addition to this general view, some participants emphasized the community role of the church in providing emotional and psychological support for new immigrants, rather than focusing solely on practical or informational assistance.
Several responses also highlighted the dual role of Korean churches emphasizing both their spiritual function and their capacity as community institutions in relation to the social integration of Korean newcomers.
It should be noted, however, that not all participants agreed on the obligation of Korean immigrant churches. Among the 17 participants, four indicated that they did not believe Korean immigrant churches bear such a responsibility. While they acknowledged that it is beneficial for these churches to support the social settlement of new immigrants, they emphasized that such involvement should not be regarded as a mandatory obligation.
I do not think Korean churches have an obligation, but I do believe it would be great if they take on a role in helping newly arrived Korean immigrants’ adaptation to Montreal. (PF6)
The findings of the study highlight the importance of emphasizing indirect support over direct assistance for newly arrived immigrants adapting to a new society. Several respondents proposed that social settlement support should be facilitated indirectly through interpersonal relationships and fellowship among congregants, rather than being framed as a formal responsibility of the church. They also stressed the church's fundamental role as a religious institution, suggesting that engagement in settlement support should be seen as a supplementary activity driven by the voluntary goodwill of individual members, rather than as part of the church's primary mission of the church.
Furthermore, one participant specifically reinforced the idea that the church’s role in immigrant settlement should remain rooted in its spiritual and religious mission.
Lastly, as all participants are parents with children, they shared opinions on the role of Korean immigrant churches in their children’s Korean language education. One parent highlighted that many Korean immigrant churches operate Korean language schools, which play a vital role in preserving ethnic identity. However, these schools, often managed independently by the churches, frequently lack sufficient support, particularly in terms of Korean language textbooks and other educational resources provided by the Korean government. The parent suggested that it would be advantageous for Korean Ministry of Education or a government agency overseeing Korean language education for overseas Koreans to develop and distribute formal guidelines or recommendations. These measures would aim to enhance the effective operation of language schools within immigrant churches abroad.
The Role of Other Korean Immigrant Communities, Excluding Churches, in Supporting Newly Arrived Korean Immigrants' Settlement in Canada
Participants were asked to rate the importance they assigned to the role of Korean immigrant communities, excluding Korean immigrant churches, using a 7-point Likert scale, with 1 representing least important and 7 representing most important. The responses yielded a mean score of 5.88 (SD = 1.13), indicating that most immigrant adults believed Korean immigrant communities should play a role in aiding newcomers' settlement. Notably, this score is higher than the mean score of 5.50 assigned to the role of Korean immigrant churches.
I believe this is exactly the role of the Korean Community. The relationships formed during the initial settlement period tend to last the longest. Just as unity within the Korean community is only possible when people come together as one, mutual understanding and interaction should come first. (PM4)
Many immigrants bring with them their lifestyle habits from Korea, which can lead to difficulties adjusting in schools or society. I think the Korean community should provide confidential call centers or counseling services where people can comfortably talk about these issues. (PM7)
Of course, the Korean community should also actively support the social integration of newcomers. It would be helpful if they provided services such as regular lectures or public information sessions to help prospective immigrants prepare for changes in immigration laws and social or migration conditions, as well as counseling services. (PM3)
I believe the Korean community also has a responsibility and role in supporting the social settlement of new immigrants. One of the roles it is already fulfilling, in many cases, is providing and exchanging information. Because accurate and practical information is extremely helpful for newcomers trying to adapt and enter society, the Korean community already plays a key role as an information-sharing platform, which is a role that should not only continue but also be further developed. (PF11)
Collaboration between Korean Immigrant Churches and Other Non Religious Korean Community Organizations
The findings of this study also underscore the need for strategic collaboration between Korean immigrant churches and other non-religious Korean community organizations. One participant strongly emphasized the need for Korean immigrant churches to build closer partnerships with non-religious Korean community associations, especially to better support newly arrived Koreans in the host society. He noted that Korean immigrant churches are typically organized through church councils, which often prioritize inter-church gatherings. However, it is equally important for these churches to engage in broader community efforts that contribute to identity formation. From the standpoint of preserving the Korean language and cultural heritage, it is not ideal for church organizations to refrain from participating in community events such as those organized by non-religious Korean cultural or ethnic associations simply because they lack religious significance. In addition, the findings reveal that whereas the relief work of the Korean immigrant church is rooted in religious devotion and service, non-religious Korean ethnic community organizations must adopt a form of relief that is grounded in securing immigrants’ social foundations.
Korean communities serve as representative and central organizations of the Korean diaspora. The declining status and trust in many local Korean communities stems largely from their failure to fulfill such social responsibilities. In this context, concepts such as service and support are just as fundamental to the identity of Korean associations as representation and centrality. Among the various roles these diaspora organizations must undertake, providing practical guidance on one of the most basic needs of new immigrants, which is finding ways to earn a living, is particularly important. While the immigrant support provided by churches typically addresses internal or community-based needs, the Korean community organizations should ideally focus on external support. Relevant examples include employment and entrepreneurship centers. For instance, the Montreal Korean Association and the Korean Foundation of Quebec have been operating a Startup School and an Employment Center since 2018. The Startup School was established to expand the economic activities of Korean immigrants traditionally centered on small-scale individual businesses into incorporated businesses and other sectors such as corporate and manufacturing. Meanwhile, the Employment Center is currently preparing to launch and will offer job postings and provide education and information services for job seekers across various fields. (PF2)
Overall, the findings of the study emphasized the role of Korean immigrant churches along with other non-religious Korean communities, and the collaboration of the Korean immigrant churches and the other non-religious Korean community organizations for the Korean immigrants’ integration and settlement in Canada. Beyond being religious institutions, Korean immigrant churches in Montreal serve as multi-functional hubs of support for newly arrived immigrants. Interview data revealed that churches play essential roles in helping newcomers gain access to practical resources, emotional resilience, and social inclusion. Most of the participants expressed the idea that the church should offer settlement support ranging from navigating Canadian systems to sharing culturally relevant coping strategies. Some emphasized the capacity of the church to serve as an information hub, populated with experienced immigrants capable of guiding newcomers. Others emphasized its emotional role, such as fostering a mindset shift for those experiencing cultural conflict. Theological perspectives framing support as a form of modern charity also emerged, with biblical references underscoring the significance of hospitality and care for foreigners.
Nonetheless, a small portion of participants maintained that churches should not institutionalize social services but rather encourage fellowship-based and voluntary help. This reveals a balanced perspective, acknowledging the importance of immigrant support while also guarding the spiritual identity of the church. Emotional and spiritual care was repeatedly identified as equally important as practical help.
DISCUSSION
This study confirms that Korean immigrant churches in Montreal function not only as spiritual shelters but also as informal hubs for community support. These churches serve as trust-based information networks, offering practical settlement guidance, legal advice, and even mental health resources. However, a tension emerged between the religious mission of the churches and their evolving social role. Some participants emphasized that social service should not overshadow the primary religious mission of the church. This highlights the need for churches to maintain theological integrity while fostering community inclusion.
The research also emphasized the vital role of other non-religious Korean community organizations, such as the Association of Koreans in Montreal and the Korean Foundation of Quebec. These institutions provide structured programs including employment assistance, language training, and cultural preservation and were sometimes perceived as more relevant than churches in offering settlement support. This presents a strong case for strategic collaboration. While churches provide foundational trust and spiritual care, community groups offer structured programs and resources. Partnerships between the two could amplify their collective impact.
This study highlights the significant role of churches in supporting newly arrived Korean immigrants. One key implication of the findings is the necessity for coordinated efforts among Korean immigrant churches in Montreal. Establishing a networked framework for collaboration would enable churches to consolidate resources, exchange best practices, and improve service outreach and efficiency. Furthermore, churches possess valuable human capital. Thus, using these internal resources could greatly expand the scope of support services.
Another critical implication involves the expansion of partnerships between Korean immigrant churches and external institutions. Working together with local schools, city officials, and government agencies can offer a great opportunity. These partnerships could make the role of the churches in integration more official and open access to funding or training. Korean churches could also host government programs for settlement, language learning, and community support.
Finally, in the face of the linguistic and social challenges posed by Bill 96, Korean immigrant churches in Quebec are uniquely positioned to support both immigrant integration and the preservation of cultural identity. This study highlights their potential to facilitate the smooth adaptation of newly arrived Koreans by offering practical resources such as free or low-cost French classes, bilingual worship services, and translation during services (Park & Cha, 2016). These efforts not only help members meet workplace and public service language requirements but also foster a sense of belonging. Beyond language support, churches can further assist integration by providing legal and employment workshops, translation services, and targeted resources for Korean business owners navigating new regulations. Emotional and spiritual needs may also be met through counseling, fellowship groups, and cultural events. Collaborations with Francophone churches, community organizations, and government programs can amplify these efforts. Through a holistic and inclusive approach, Korean immigrant churches can become vital bridges between their communities and the host society.
Overall, future research should examine the linguistic and social framework of Quebec, particularly the implications of Bill 96, which mandates rapid French language acquisition for immigrants to access essential services. Studies should explore how partnerships between government bodies and ethnic institutions, such as Korean immigrant churches, can facilitate more accessible and culturally responsive integration pathways. Within this context, Korean immigrant churches emerge not only as cultural and spiritual centers but also as strategic partners in broader public integration efforts.
Conclusion
This study highlights the essential yet often overlooked role of Korean immigrant churches in Montreal as more than just religious institutions. By situating the findings within the framework of faith-based social support, this study reveals how Korean immigrant churches in Montreal provide multi-layered assistance that extends beyond formal religious services (Jahani & Parayandeh, 2024). They act as cultural mediators, emotional shelters, and sources of practical support, helping newly arrived immigrants struggling with the complexities of immigration and settlement in the host society. The findings of this study reveal that emotional and spiritual guidance are viewed as equally important as practical assistance such as information or resources while there is variation in how formalized that support should be. In addition to the institutional role of Korean immigrant churches, Korean community organizations offer complementary, and often more pragmatic, support in the integration process.
Furthermore, through the theoretical lens of lived religion, this study also reveals how newly arrived Korean immigrants incorporate faith into their daily lives not only through organized worship but also through interpersonal relationships, shared rituals, and everyday cultural practices (Ammerman, 2015). These expressions of religion are particularly significant in the face of challenges such as language barriers or policy constraints like those introduced under Bill 96. Thus, the findings of the study emphasized both the functional and symbolic importance of immigrant churches in enhancing perseverance, cultural continuity, and mutual support for newly arrived Korean immigrants within diasporic communities (Jahani & Parayandeh, 2024).
The study makes a significant contribution to existing research by emphasizing the distinct trilingual and multicultural environment of Montreal. In contrast to earlier studies that focused on second-generation youth or the preservation of cultural identity within churches, this research highlights the experiences of first-generation immigrants grappling with immediate settlement challenges. The findings suggest that immigrant churches should be recognized not only as religious institutions but also as community hubs. Policies and efforts are encouraged to invest in faith-based outreach efforts and foster collaboration between organizations to create comprehensive support networks. By enabling churches and Korean community groups to work in partnership with public institutions, Canada can enhance its efforts to cultivate inclusive, multilingual, and socially cohesive environments for newcomers.
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